¿Qué es el memorando Nunes y por qué su divulgación sería controversial?

Noticias Telemundo
ENERO 31, 2018 / 1:15 PM EDT

El republicano Devin Nunes, autor del controversial memorando/AP. En: http://www.telemundo.com/sites/nbcutelemundo/files/styles/article_cover_image/public/images/promo/article/2017/03/22/nunes_0.jpg?itok=XIY9X1zS

Este lunes, el Comité de Inteligencia de la Cámara de Representantes aprobó la publicación pública de un memorando que afirma que el FBI y el Departamento de Justicia cometieron una serie de abusos de poder contra el presidente Donald Trump.

El propio Trump ahora tiene cinco días para decidir si permite o no la publicación del memo, algo que podría ocurrir pues el presidente no ha ocultado su deseo de publicarlo. Los demócratas y miembros de la comunidad de inteligencia se oponen.

En un inusual comunicado divulgado el miércoles, el propio FBI expresó “serias preocupaciones” por la esperada publicación del memorando clasificado que critica al Departamento de Justicia y al FBI por supuestos “abusos” de vigilancia.

“Al FBI se le brindó una oportunidad limitada para revisar este memorando el día antes de que el comité votara por su publicación”, dijo el buró. “Tal como lo expresamos durante nuestra revisión inicial, tenemos graves preocupaciones sobre omisiones de hechos materiales que afectan fundamentalmente la precisión de la nota“.

Pero, ¿qué es el memorando y por qué genera controversia?

Se trata de un documento de casi cuatro páginas escrito por Devin Nunes, el presidente republicano del Comité de Inteligencia de la Cámara, que afirma que el Departamento de Justicia y el FBI conspiraron para diseñar una operación de vigilancia clandestina contra Carter Page, miembro de la campaña Trump, en los meses previos al 2016 elección.

Nunes se recusó de la investigación de Rusia cuando el Comité de Ética de la Cámara lanzó una investigación luego de decir en una conferencia de prensa dijo agentes estadounidenses habían vigilado a ciertos oficiales de campaña de Trump mientras monitoreaban las comunicaciones con agentes extranjeros.

Para espiar a personas sospechosas de ser espías que operan en los Estados Unidos, el FBI primero debe acudir a un juez que está autorizado a emitir órdenes bajo la Ley de Vigilancia de Inteligencia Extranjera, o FISA.

FISA exige que el FBI demuestre la causa probable de que un individuo actúe como “agente de un poder extranjero”, y todas las solicitudes de autorización son revisadas y aprobadas por el Departamento de Justicia antes de presentarse en un tribunal de FISA.

El memorando de Nunes afirma que cuando el FBI solicitó la orden, no reveló que el Comité Nacional Demócrata, DNC y / o la campaña de Clinton habían pagado parte de la investigación, específicamente la realizada por el ex agente de inteligencia británico Christopher Steele, que contenía aspectos que servían de base a la solicitud.

Pero funcionarios dicen que el FBI tenía muchas otras fuentes de información, incluida información de inteligencia de gobiernos extranjeros, que sugerían una posible colusión entre la campaña de Trump y Rusia, además del dossier.

Si los republicanos creen que una orden de seguridad nacional se obtuvo de manera incorrecta, dijo a NBC Frank Figliuzzi, ex jefe de contrainteligencia del FBI, podrían haber alertado al inspector general del Departamento de Justicia o a los jueces del Tribunal de Vigilancia de Inteligencia Extranjera, que firman las órdenes. En cambio, dijo, están tomando un camino que parece diseñado para infligir daños en la investigación de Rusia.

Una fuente que leyó el memo le dijo a NBC News que este menciona al vice Fiscal General Rod Rosenstein.

El diario The New York Times informó el domingo que el memorando dice que Rosenstein firmó una extensión de la vigilancia la primavera pasada, el primer indicio de que dicha vigilancia continuó en la administración Trump.

En un correo electrónico a NBC News, Page dijo que estaba en el extranjero, y se negó a responder preguntas específicas.

Nunes y los republicanos sostienen firmemente que el memo se basa en hechos, pero los Demócratas en el Comité de Inteligencia de la Cámara de Representantes han sostenido que el documento está compuesto por “un conjunto engañoso de puntos de discusión que atacan al FBI”.

Además, los demócratas han argumentado que los republicanos compusieron el memorando y están buscando su divulgarlo como un medio para desacreditar la investigación del abogado especial Robert Mueller sobre la supuesta colusión rusa de la campaña Trump.

En: telemundo

Ver:

Cinco grandes preguntas antes de que revelen el memo de Nunes sobre el FBI

Por qué el memorando ha creado tanta controversia

¿Por qué el memo de Nunes es tan importante?

Trump autoriza la publicación del memo Nunes

Estos son los nuevos ministros de PPK, luego de la cuestión de confianza denegada a Zavala por parte del Congreso Fujimorista

  • Mercedes Aráoz es la Jefa del Consejo de Ministros.
  • José Manuel Hernández es ratificado como ministro de Agricultura.
  • Fernando D’Alessio, juramenta como nuevo ministro de Salud. 
  • Idel Vexler, Nuevo ministro de Educación. (posibles modificaciones en la Nueva Ley Universitaria, vinculo con la USMP, y erradicación del enfoque de genero en la educación escolar peruana)
  • Enrique Mendoza, juramenta como nuevo ministro de Justicia. (posibilidad de indulto a Alberto Fujimori)
  • Carlos Basombrío juramenta y se mantiene en la cartera del Ministerio del Interior.
  • Claudia Cooper, nueva ministra de Economía y Finanzas reemplaza a Fernando Zavala.
  • Jorge Nieto Montesinos es ratificado en el Ministerio de Defensa.
  • Ricardo Luna juramenta y se mantiene como ministro de Relaciones Exteriores.
  • Alfonso Grados se mantiene en la cartera del Ministerio de Trabajo y Promoción del Empleo.
  • Pedro Olaechea, congresista de Peruanos por el Kambio, es ratificado en el Ministerio de la Producción.
  • Eduardo Ferreyros se mantiene como ministro de Comercio Exterior y Turismo.
  • Cayetana Aljovin se mantiene en el Ministerio de Energía y Minas.
  • Carlos Bruce Montes de Oca, nuevo Ministro de Vivienda Construcción y Saneamiento.
  • Bruno Giuffra, se mantiene a la cabeza del Ministerio de Transportes y Comunicaciones.
  • Ana María Choquehuanca se mantiene como ministra de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables.
  • Elsa Galarza juramenta como ministra de Ambiente.
  • Salvador del Solar se mantiene en el Ministerio de Cultura.

Leer: ¿Por qué causa polémica Idel Vexler en el ministerio de Educación?

Trump Moves to End DACA and Calls on Congress to Act

WASHINGTON — President Trump on Tuesday ordered an end to the Obama-era program that shields young undocumented immigrants from deportation, calling it an “amnesty-first approach” and urging Congress to pass a replacement before he begins phasing out its protections in six months.

As early as March, officials said, some of the 800,000 young adults brought to the United States illegally as children who qualify for the program, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, will become eligible for deportation. The five-year-old policy allows them to remain without fear of immediate removal from the country and gives them the right to work legally.

Mr. Trump and Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who announced the change at the Justice Department, both used the aggrieved language of anti-immigrant activists, arguing that those in the country illegally are lawbreakers who hurt native-born Americans by usurping their jobs and pushing down wages.

Mr. Trump said in a statement that he was driven by a concern for “the millions of Americans victimized by this unfair system.” Mr. Sessions said the program had “denied jobs to hundreds of thousands of Americans by allowing those same illegal aliens to take those jobs.”

Protests broke out in front of the White House and the Justice Department and in cities across the country soon after Mr. Sessions’s announcement. Democrats and some Republicans, business executives, college presidents and immigration activists condemned the move as a coldhearted and shortsighted effort that was unfair to the young immigrants and could harm the economy.

“This is a sad day for our country,” Mark Zuckerberg, the Facebook founder, wrote on his personal page. “It is particularly cruel to offer young people the American dream, encourage them to come out of the shadows and trust our government, and then punish them for it.”

Former President Barack Obama, who had warned that any threat to the program would prompt him to speak out, called his successor’s decision “wrong,” “self-defeating” and “cruel.”

“Whatever concerns or complaints Americans may have about immigration in general, we shouldn’t threaten the future of this group of young people who are here through no fault of their own, who pose no threat, who are not taking away anything from the rest of us,” Mr. Obama wrote on Facebook.

Both he and Mr. Trump said the onus was now on lawmakers to protect the young immigrants as part of a broader overhaul of the immigration system that would also toughen enforcement.

But despite broad and longstanding bipartisan support for measures to legalize unauthorized immigrants brought to the United States as children, the odds of a sweeping immigration deal in a deeply divided Congress appeared long. Legislation to protect the “dreamers” has also repeatedly died in Congress.

Just hours after the angry reaction to Mr. Trump’s decision, the president appeared to have second thoughts. In a late-evening tweet, Mr. Trump specifically called on Congress to “legalize DACA,” something his administration’s officials had declined to do earlier in the day.

Mr. Trump also warned lawmakers that if they do not legislate a program similar to the one Mr. Obama created through executive authority, he will “revisit this issue!” — a statement sure to inject more uncertainty into the ultimate fate of the young, undocumented immigrants who have been benefiting from the program since 2012.

Conservatives praised Mr. Trump’s move, though some expressed frustration that he had taken so long to rescind the program and that the gradual phaseout could mean that some immigrants retained protection from deportation until October 2019.

The White House portrayed the decision as a matter of legal necessity, given that nine Republican state attorneys general had threatened to sue to halt the program immediately if Mr. Trump did not act.

Months of internal White House debate preceded the move, as did the president’s public display of his own conflicted feelings. He once referred to DACA recipients as “incredible kids.”

The president’s wavering was reflected in a day of conflicting messages from him and his team. Hours after his statement was released, Mr. Trump told reporters that he had “great love” for the beneficiaries of the program he had just ended.

“I have a love for these people, and hopefully now Congress will be able to help them and do it properly,” he said. But he notably did not endorse bipartisan legislation to codify the program’s protections, leaving it unclear whether he would back such a solution.

Mr. Trump’s aides were negotiating late into Monday evening with one another about precisely how the plan to wind down the program would be executed. Until Tuesday morning, some aides believed the president had settled on a plan that would be more generous, giving more of the program’s recipients the option to renew their protections.

But even taking into account Mr. Trump’s contradictory language, the rollout of his decision was smoother than his early moves to crack down on immigration, particularly the botched execution in January of his ban on travelers from seven predominantly Muslim countries.

In addition to the public statement from Mr. Sessions and a White House question-and-answer session, the president was ready on Tuesday with the lengthy written statement, and officials at the Justice and Homeland Security Departments provided detailed briefings and distributed information to reporters in advance.

Mr. Trump sought to portray his move as a compassionate effort to head off the expected legal challenge that White House officials said would have forced an immediate and highly disruptive end to the program. But he also denounced the policy, saying it helped spark a “massive surge” of immigrants from Central America, some of whom went on to become members of violent gangs like MS-13. Some immigration critics contend that programs like DACA, started under Mr. Obama, encouraged Central Americans to enter the United States, hoping to stay permanently. Tens of thousands of migrants surged across America’s southern border in the summer of 2014, many of them children fleeing dangerous gangs.

Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the White House press secretary, indicated that Mr. Trump would support legislation to “fix” the DACA program, as long as Congress passed it as part of a broader immigration overhaul to strengthen the border, protect American jobs and enhance enforcement.

“The president wants to see responsible immigration reform, and he wants that to be part of it,” Ms. Sanders said, referring to a permanent solution for the young immigrants. “Something needs to be done. It’s Congress’s job to do that. And we want to be part of that process.”

Later on Tuesday, Marc Short, Mr. Trump’s top legislative official, told reporters on Capitol Hill that the White House would release principles for such a plan in the coming days, input that at least one key member of Congress indicated would be crucial.

“It is important that the White House clearly outline what kind of legislation the president is willing to sign,” Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, said in a statement. “We have no time to waste on ideas that do not have the votes to pass or that the president won’t sign.”

The announcement was an effort by Mr. Trump to honor the law-and-order message of his campaign, which included a repeated pledge to end Mr. Obama’s immigration policy, while seeking to avoid the emotionally charged and politically perilous consequences of targeting a sympathetic group of immigrants.

Mr. Trump’s decision came less than two weeks after he pardoned Joe Arpaio, the former Arizona sheriff who drew intense criticism for his aggressive pursuit of unauthorized immigrants, which earned him a criminal contempt conviction.

The blame-averse president told a confidante over the past few days that he realized that he had gotten himself into a politically untenable position. As late as one hour before the decision was to be announced, administration officials privately expressed concern that Mr. Trump might not fully grasp the details of the steps he was about to take, and when he discovered their full impact, would change his mind, according to a person familiar with their thinking who was not authorized to comment on it and spoke on condition of anonymity.

But ultimately, the president followed through on his campaign pledge at the urging of Mr. Sessions and other hard-line members inside his White House, including Stephen Miller, his top domestic policy adviser.

The announcement started the clock on revoking legal status from those protected under the program.

Officials said DACA recipients whose legal status expires on or before March 5 would be able to renew their two-year period of legal status as long as they apply by Oct. 5. But the announcement means that if Congress fails to act, immigrants who were brought to the United States illegally as children could face deportation as early as March 6 to countries where many left at such young ages that they have no memory of them.

Immigration officials said they did not intend to actively target the young immigrants as priorities for deportation, though without the program’s protection, they would be considered subject to removal from the United States and would no longer be able to work legally.

Officials said some of the young immigrants could be prevented from returning to the United States if they traveled abroad.

Immigration advocates took little comfort from the administration’s assurances, describing the president’s decision as deeply disturbing and vowing to shift their demands for protections to Capitol Hill.

Marielena Hincapié, the executive director of the National Immigration Law Center, called Mr. Trump’s decision “nothing short of hypocrisy, cruelty and cowardice.” Maria Praeli, a recipient of protection under the program, criticized Mr. Sessions and Mr. Trump for talking “about us as if we don’t matter and as if this isn’t our home.”

The Mexican foreign ministry issued a statement saying the “Mexican government deeply regrets” Mr. Trump’s decision.

As recently as July, Mr. Trump expressed skepticism about the prospect of a broad legislative deal.

“What I’d like to do is a comprehensive immigration plan,” he told reporters. “But our country and political forces are not ready yet.”

As for DACA, he said: “There are two sides of a story. It’s always tough.”

In: nytimes

Mercosur suspende membresía de Venezuela

Los cancilleres de los países fundadores del Mercosur aplicaron la cláusula democrática de la organización y suspendieron la membresía de Venezuela alegando que el Gobierno de ese país rompió el hilo constitucional.

Imagen: http://www.mercosur.int/innovaportal/file/3862/2/mapa-web-es-min.jpg

Este sábado (5.8.2017), el canciller brasileño, Aloysio Nunes, informó desde Sao Paulo, que los Estados fundadores del Mercado Común del Sur (Mercsour) –Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay– habían optado por cancelar indefinidamente la membresía de Venezuela, que se había unido a ese bloque en 2012. Nunes habló de una “suspensión de naturaleza política, por consenso; una sanción grave de naturaleza política contra Venezuela”. Los ministros de Exteriores del Mercosur aplicaron la cláusula democrática del organismo –el Protocolo de Ushuaia– alegando que el “hombre fuerte” de Caracas, Nicolás Maduro, ha roto el hilo constitucional de Venezuela.

Aunque la cláusula en cuestión permite la aplicación de sanciones económicas a los países en los que se arremeta contra el Estado de derecho, Nunes subrayó que “no está prevista una sanción comercial”, sino una medida de “aislamiento político”. Analistas de la crisis venezolana dudan que esta medida u otras de carácter comercial ejerzan presión efectiva sobre Maduro para obligarlo a retornar a la vereda democrática. La razón: el comercio entre Mercosur y Venezuela ya ha caído un 66,7 por ciento desde su ingreso en 2012, al pasar de un volumen total de 9.742 millones de dólares a 3.240 millones a cierre de 2016, según un informe de la consultora privada Abeceb publicado este mismo 5 de agosto.

De acuerdo a los datos del reporte de Abeceb, en el último lustro las exportaciones del Mercosur hacia Venezuela descendieron un 63,8 por ciento, de 7.761 millones de dólares a 2.807 millones; mientras que las importaciones desde el país caribeño sufrieron un desplome aún mayor, del 78,14 %, de 1.981 a 433. Las cifras ofrecidas por Abeceb muestran que el retroceso de la actividad comercial se produjo principalmente en los últimos dos años, debido a la crisis económica vivida en el país, que según las previsiones de la consultora provocará este año una caída del PIB de más del 10 por ciento.

Dentro de Mercosur, los principales exportadores hacia Venezuela en 2016 fueron Argentina y Brasil, con el 52 por ciento y el 45 por ciento de las ventas totales, respectivamente, mientras que las de Paraguay y Uruguay apenas representaron el 2 por ciento y el 1 por ciento, respectivamente. En cuanto a las importaciones, Brasil fue con diferencia el mayor comprador de bienes venezolanos, con el 96 por ciento del total; en tanto que Argentina supuso el 3 por ciento; Paraguay, el 1 por ciento y Uruguay, un porcentaje cercano al 0 por ciento. Los alimentos totalizaron más de la mitad de las exportaciones de Mercosur hacia Venezuela, y de 2012 a 2016 descendieron un 53,7 por ciento.

Por otro lado, los productos más demandados a Venezuela por los socios del bloque comercial, con casi dos terceras partes, fueron los relacionados con los combustibles y lubricantes –especialmente el petróleo–, que en los últimos cinco años experimentaron un retroceso del 83,7 por ciento.

En: DW

Contra el ecumenismo del odio

El Vaticano critica a los fundamentalistas xenófobos e islamófobos en un artículo de la revista de los jesuitas visado por el propio Papa y por el secretario de Estado

El papa Francisco, entre Ivanka (izquierda) y Melania Trump (derecha), en una audiencia en el Vaticano el 24 de mayo pasado. ALESSANDRA TARANTINO (REUTERS)

¿Quién se acuerda de Charles Maurras? Murió hace más de 60 años mientras cumplía cadena perpetua por complicidad con el enemigo alemán durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Fue extraordinaria su influencia intelectual sobre las derechas más extremas europeas, incluidas las españolas, a través de su partido antisemita, ultra y monárquico, Action Française, sobre todo entre las dos guerras mundiales. Igual de extraordinaria fue su tormentosa relación con la Santa Sede, que terminó con su excomunión y las de su seguidores y con la inclusión de un puñado de sus escritos y de la propia revista que dirigía en el Índice de Libros Prohibidos.

El tiempo de las excomuniones y del Índice de los Libros Prohibidos queda lejos, olvidado ya. Roma ya no hace cosas así, al menos desde el Concilio Vaticano II. Pero si las hiciera, no hay duda de que ahora tendríamos algo parecido a un caso Maurras a propósito de las turbulentas ideas y propuestas políticas del presidente Trump y más concretamente de su consejero estratégico Steve Bannon,un príncipe de las tinieblas que inspira las políticas más extremistas de la actual Casa Blanca, como el muro con México y el muslim ban o prohibición de entrada en EE UU a ciudadanos de seis países musulmanes.

Steve Bannon es católico, mientras que Donald Trump nació en una familia presbiteriana. La religiosidad personal de ambos es más que dudosa, como le sucedía a Maurras, hasta el punto de que fue el agnosticismo del escritor francés el que le condujo a la condena eclesial. Bannon se ha divorciado dos veces a pesar de la indisolubilidad del matrimonio católico, y de Trump se desconoce si practica o si tiene siquiera alguna idea religiosa. Pero en ambos cuenta la religión como visión política del mundo, y ahí es donde el Vaticano tiene algo que decir y lo ha dicho, uniendo además en una misma crítica al catolicismo integrista y al fundamentalismo evangelista que tan buen servicio les ha rendido al Partido Republicano para ganar en las elecciones presidenciales.

Aunque el mensaje es bien claro, en cuanto a quien lo emite y a lo que dice, la vía escogida por el Vaticano es sutil e indirecta. Ha sido la revista de los jesuitas Civiltà Cattolica la que lo ha transmitido, a través de un artículo, titulado ‘Fundamentalismo evangélico e integrismo católico en Estados Unidos, un ecumenismo sorprendente’, firmado por su director, el italiano Antonio Spadaro, y por el protestante argentino Marcelo Figueroa. Un católico y un protestante denuncian precisamente la colusión de católicos y protestantes extremistas estadounidenses en un mismo pensamiento al que califican de “ecumenismo del odio”. Según el diario italiano La Repubblica, el papa Francisco en persona, el secretario de Estado Pietro Parolin y el secretario para las Relaciones con Estados Unidos, Paul Richard Gallagher, han corregido y visado el artículo.

El papa Francisco rechaza la narrativa del miedo y de la inseguridad, sobre la que Trump y su derecha alternativa construyen muros ideológicos

La primera característica de esta desviación teológica es el maniqueísmo, un “lenguaje que divide la realidad entre el Bien absoluto y el Mal absoluto”, cuestión en la que los autores citan al propio presidente Trump y que sitúa a los inmigrantes y a los musulmanes entre las amenazas al sistema de vida de Estados Unidos.Una segunda característica que denuncian Spadaro y Figueroa es el carácter de Teología de la Prosperidad que comparten los dos extremismos católico y evangelista. Su evangelio para ricos, difundido por organizaciones y pastores multimillonarios, predica una idea autojustificativa de que “Dios desea que sus seguidores tengan salud física, sean prósperos y personalmente felices”. La tercera característica es una defensa muy peculiar de la libertad religiosa, en la que extremistas católicos y protestantes se unen en cuestiones como la oposición al aborto y al matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo o la educación religiosa en la escuela, y propugnan un sometimiento de las instituciones del Estado a las ideas religiosas e incluso a la Biblia muy similar al que inspira al fundamentalismo islámico.

Esta visión del mundo proporciona una justificación teológica a la guerra y alienta la esperanza religiosa con la expectativa de un enfrentamiento apocalíptico y definitivo entre el Bien y el Mal. Las afinidades con la idea islamista radical de la yihad son bien claras. El artículo denuncia la web de extrema derecha Church Militant, que atribuye la victoria de Trump a las oraciones de los estadounidenses, propugna la guerra de religiones y profesa el llamado dominionismo, que es una lectura literalista del Genésis en la que el hombre es el centro de un universo a su entero servicio. Los dominionistas consideran anticristianos a los ecologistas y observan los desastres naturales y el cambio climático como irremediables signos escatológicos de un final de los tiempos apocalíptico, que no hay que obstaculizar, sino todo lo contrario.

No es posible comprender esta fuerte arremetida del Vaticano contra la extrema derecha estadounidense sin recordar la intervención de Steve Bannon en una conferencia celebrada en el Vaticano en 2014, en la que denunció la secularización excesiva de Occidente y anunció “la proximidad de un conflicto brutal y sangriento, (…) una guerra global contra el fascismo islámico”, en la que “esta nueva barbarie que ahora empieza erradicará todo lo que nos ha sido legado en los últimos dos mil o dos mil quinientos años”. También hay que situarlo en el marco de tensiones entre la Casa Blanca y el Vaticano a propósito de Oriente Próximo, especialmente tras el primer viaje de Trump en el que pretendió conectar con las tres religiones, islam, judaísmo y catolicismo, pero terminó convirtiéndose en un reforzamiento de la alianza con Arabia Saudí y un estímulo al enfrentamiento con Teherán, con consecuencias inmediatas en el bloqueo a Qatar.

El pontífice no solo discrepa de sus propuestas sobre ecología, inmigración o impuestos, sino que rechaza su estrategia en favor de Riad

Curiosamente, Spadaro y Figueroa defienden las raíces cristianas de Europa, pero con una argumentación inversa a la que se escuchaba en tiempos de Ratzinger, de la que ha desaparecido el supremacismo cristiano y blanco. “El triunfalismo, la arrogancia y el etnicismo vengativo son exactamente lo contrario del cristianismo”, aseguran. El artículo termina recordando que el papa Francisco combate la narrativa del miedo y la manipulación de la inseguridad y de la ansiedad de la gente, evita la reducción del Islam al terrorismo islamista y rechaza la idea de una guerra santa contra el islam o la construcción de muros físicos e ideológicos. Con la denuncia del ecumenismo del odio, el Vaticano sitúa a Steve Bannon y Donald Trump en un infierno ideológico análogo al que abrió las puertas a Maurras en 1927, ahora hace justo 90 años, en el que se encuentran condenados los políticos que utilizan la religión para dividir en vez de unir a los seres humanos.

En: elpais

 

What Customs and Border Officials Can and Can’t Do

Recent detentions and seizures of phones and other material from travelers to the United States have sparked concern and alarm.

Travelers arrive at the international terminal at John F. Kennedy International Airport on March 6th, 2017, in New York City. (Photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

A NASA scientist heading home to the United States said he was detained in January at a Houston airport, where Customs and Border Protection officers pressured him for access to his work phone and its potentially sensitive contents.

Last month, CPB agents checked the identification of passengers leaving a domestic flight at New York’s John F. Kennedy Airport during a search for an immigrant with a deportation order.

And in October, border agents seized phones and other work-related material from a Canadian photojournalist. They blocked him from entering the U.S. after he refused to unlock the phones, citing his obligation to protect his sources.

These and other recentincidents have revived confusion and alarm over what powers border officials actually have and, perhaps more importantly, how to know when they are overstepping their authority.

The unsettling fact is that border officials have long had broad powers — many people just don’t know about them. Border officials, for instance, have search powers that extend 100 air miles inland from any external boundary of the U.S. That means border agents can stop and question people at fixed checkpoints dozens of miles from U.S. borders. They can also pull over motorists whom they suspect of a crime as part of “roving” border patrol operations.

Sowing even more uneasiness, ambiguity around the agency’s search powers — especially over electronic devices — has persisted for years as courts nationwide address legal challenges raised by travelers, privacy advocates, and civil rights groups.

We’ve dug out answers about the current state-of-play when it comes to border searches, along with links to more detailed resources.

Doesn’t the Fourth Amendment protect us from “unreasonable searches and seizures”?

Yes. The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution articulates the “right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.” However, those protections are lessened when entering the country at international terminals at airports, other ports of entry, and subsequently any location that falls within 100 air miles of an external U.S. boundary.

How broad is Customs and Border Protection’s search authority?

According to federal statutes, regulations, and court decisions, CBP officers have the authority to inspect, without a warrant, any person trying to gain entry into the country and their belongings. CBP can also question individuals about their citizenship or immigration status and ask for documents that prove admissibility into the country.

This blanket authority for warrantless, routine searches at a port of entry ends when CBP decides to undertake a more invasive procedure, such as a body cavity search. For these kinds of actions, the CBP official needs to have some level of suspicion that a particular person is engaged in illicit activity, not simply that the individual is trying to enter the U.S.

Does CBP’s search authority cover electronic devices like smartphones and laptops?

Yes. CBP refers to several statutes and regulations in justifying its authority to examine “computers, disks, drives, tapes, mobile phones and other communication devices, cameras, music and other media players, and any other electronic or digital devices.”

According to current CBP policy, officials should search electronic devices with a supervisor in the room, when feasible, and also in front of the person being questioned “unless there are national security, law enforcement, or other operational considerations” that take priority. For instance, if allowing a traveler to witness the search would reveal sensitive law enforcement techniques or compromise an investigation, “it may not be appropriate to allow the individual to be aware of or participate in a border search,” according to a 2009 privacy impact assessment by the Department of Homeland Security.

CBP says it can conduct these searches “with or without” specific suspicion that the person who possesses the items is involved in a crime.

With a supervisor’s sign-off, CBP officers can also seize an electronic device — or a copy of the information on the device — “for a brief, reasonable period of time to perform a thorough border search.” Such seizures typically shouldn’t exceed five days, although officers can apply for extensions in up to one-week increments, according to CBP policy. If a review of the device and its contents does not turn up probable cause for seizing it, CBP says it will destroy the copied information and return the device to its owner.

Can CBP really search my electronic devices without any specific suspicion that I might have committed a crime?

The Supreme Court has not directly ruled on this issue. However, a 2013 decision from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit — one level below the Supreme Court — provides some guidance on potential limits to CBP’s search authority.

In a majority decision, the court affirmed that cursory searches of laptops — such as having travelers turn their devices on and then examining their contents — does not require any specific suspicions about the travelers to justify them.

The court, however, raised the bar for a “forensic examination” of the devices, such as using “computer software to analyze a hard drive.” For these more powerful, intrusive, and comprehensive searches, which could provide access to deleted files and search histories, password-protected information and other private details, border officials must have a “reasonable suspicion” of criminal activity — not just a hunch.

As it stands, the 2013 appeals court decision legally applies only to the nine Western states in the Ninth Circuit, including California, Arizona, Nevada, Oregon, and Washington. It’s not clear whether CBP has taken the 2013 decision into account more broadly: The last time the agency publicly updated its policy for searching electronic devices was in 2009. CBP is currently reviewing that policy and there is “no specific timeline” for when an updated version might be announced, according to the agency.

“Laptop computers, iPads and the like are simultaneously offices and personal diaries. They contain the most intimate details of our lives,” the court’s decision said. “It is little comfort to assume that the government — for now — does not have the time or resources to seize and search the millions of devices that accompany the millions of travelers who cross our borders. It is the potential unfettered dragnet effect that is troublesome.”

During the 2016 fiscal year, CBP officials conducted 23,877 electronic media searches, a five-fold increase from the previous year. In both the 2015 and 2016 fiscal years, the agency processed more than 380 million arriving travelers.

Am I legally required to disclose the password for my electronic device or social media, if CBP asks for it?

That’s still an unsettled question, according to Liza Goitein, co-director of the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice. “Until it becomes clear that it’s illegal to do that, they’re going to continue to ask,” she said.

The Fifth Amendment says that no one shall be made to serve as “a witness against himself” in a criminal case. Lower courts, however, have produced differing decisions on how exactly the Fifth Amendment applies to the disclosure of passwords to electronic devices.

Customs officers have the statutory authority “to demand the assistance of any person in making any arrest, search, or seizure authorized by any law enforced or administered by customs officers, if such assistance may be necessary.” That statute has traditionally been invoked by immigration agents to enlist the help of local, state, and other federal law enforcement agencies, according to Nathan Wessler, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s Speech, Privacy and Technology Project. Whether the statute also compels individuals being interrogated by border officials to divulge their passwords has not been directly addressed by a court, Wessler said.

Even with this legal uncertainty, CBP officials have broad leverage to induce travelers to share password information, especially when someone just wants to catch their flight, get home to family, or be allowed to enter the country. “Failure to provide information to assist CBP may result in the detention and/or seizure of the electronic device,” according to a statement provided by CBP.

Travelers who refuse to give up passwords could also be detained for longer periods and have their bags searched more intrusively. Foreign visitors could be turned away at the border, and green card holders could be questioned and challenged about their continued legal status.

“People need to think about their own risks when they are deciding what to do. U.S. citizens may be comfortable doing things that non-citizens aren’t, because of how CBP may react,” Wessler said.

What is some practical advice for protecting my digital information?

Consider which devices you absolutely need to travel with, and which ones you can leave at home. Setting a strong password and encrypting your devices are helpful in protecting your data, but you may still lose access to your devices for undefined periods should border officials decide to seize and examine their contents.

Another option is to leave all of your devices behind and carry a travel-only phone free of most personal information. However, even this approach carries risks. “We also flag the reality that if you go to extreme measures to protect your data at the border, that itself may raise suspicion with border agents,” according to Sophia Cope, a staff attorney at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. “It’s so hard to tell what a single border agent is going to do.”

The EFF has released an updated guide to data protection options here.

Does CBP recognize any exceptions to what it can examine on electronic devices?

If CBP officials want to search legal documents, attorney work product, or information protected by attorney-client privilege, they may have to follow “special handling procedures,” according to agency policy. If there’s suspicion that the information includes evidence of a crime or otherwise relates to “the jurisdiction of CBP,” the border official must consult the CBP associate/assistant chief counsel before undertaking the search.

As for medical records and journalists’ notes, CBP says its officers will follow relevant federal laws and agency policies in handling them. When asked for more information on these procedures, an agency spokesperson said that CBP has “specific provisions” for dealing with this kind of information, but did not elaborate further. Questions that arise regarding these potentially sensitive materials can be handled by the CBP associate/assistant chief counsel, according to CBP policy. The agency also says that it will protect business or commercial information from “unauthorized disclosure.”

Am I entitled to a lawyer if I’m detained for further questioning by CBP?

No. According to a statement provided by CBP, “All international travelers arriving to the U.S. are subject to CBP processing, and travelers bear the burden of proof to establish that they are clearly eligible to enter the United States. Travelers are not entitled to representation during CBP administrative processing, such as primary and secondary inspection.”

Even so, some immigration lawyers recommend that travelers carry with them the number for a legal aid hotline or a specific lawyer who will be able to help them, should they get detained for further questioning at a port of entry.

“It is good practice to ask to speak to a lawyer,” said Paromita Shah, associate director at the National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild. “We always encourage people to have a number where their attorney can be reached, so they can explain what is happening and their attorney can try to intervene. It’s definitely true that they may not be able to get into the actual space, but they can certainly intervene.”

Lawyers who fill out this form on behalf of a traveler headed into the U.S. might be allowed to advocate for that individual, although local practices can vary, according to Shah.

Can I record my interaction with CBP officials?

Individuals on public land are allowed to record and photograph CBP operations so long as their actions do not hinder traffic, according to CBP. However, the agency prohibits recording and photography in locations with special security and privacy concerns, including some parts of international airports and other secure port areas.

Does CBP’s power to stop and question people extend beyond the border and ports of entry?

Yes. Federal statutes and regulations empower CBP to conduct warrantless searches for people traveling illegally from another country in any “railway car, aircraft, conveyance, or vehicle” within 100 air miles from “any external boundary” of the country. About two-thirds of the U.S. population live in this zone, including the residents of New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Houston, according to the ACLU.

As a result, CBP currently operates 35 checkpoints, where they can stop and question motorists traveling in the U.S. about their immigration status and make “quick observations of what is in plain view” in the vehicle without a warrant, according to the agency. Even at a checkpoint, however, border officials cannot search a vehicle’s contents or its occupants unless they have probable cause of wrongdoing, the agency says. Failing that, CBP officials can ask motorists to allow them to conduct a search, but travelers are not obligated to give consent.

When asked how many people were stopped at CBP checkpoints in recent years, as well as the proportion of those individuals detained for further scrutiny, CBP said they didn’t have the data “on hand” but that the number of people referred for secondary questioning was “minimum.” At the same time, the agency says that checkpoints “have proven to be highly effective tools in halting the flow of illegal traffic into the United States.”

Within 25 miles of any external boundary, CBP has the additional patrol power to enter onto private land, not including dwellings, without a warrant.

Where can CBP set up checkpoints?

CBP chooses checkpoint locations within the 100-mile zone that help “maximize border enforcement while minimizing effects on legitimate traffic,” the agency says.

At airports that fall within the 100-mile zone, CBP can also set up checkpoints next to airport security to screen domestic passengers who are trying to board their flights, according to Chris Rickerd, a policy counsel at the ACLU’s National Political Advocacy Department.

“When you fly out of an airport in the southwestern border, say McAllen, Brownsville, or El Paso, you have Border Patrol standing beside TSA when they’re doing the checks for security. They ask you the same questions as when you’re at a checkpoint. ‘Are you a U.S. citizen?’ They’re essentially doing a brief immigration inquiry in the airport because it’s part of the 100-mile zone,” Rickerd said. “I haven’t seen this at the northern border.”

Can CBP do anything outside of the 100-mile zone?

Yes. Many of CBP’s law enforcement and patrol activities, such as questioning individuals, collecting evidence, and making arrests, are not subject to the 100-mile rule, the agency says. For instance, the geographical limit does not apply to stops in which border agents pull a vehicle over as part of a “roving patrol” and not a fixed checkpoint, according to Rickerd of the ACLU. In these scenarios, border agents need reasonable suspicion that an immigration violation or crime has occurred to justify the stop, Rickerd said.

The ACLU has sued the government multipletimes for data on roving patrol and checkpoint stops. Based on an analysis of records released in response to one of those lawsuits, the ACLU found that CBP officials in Arizona failed “to record any stops that do not lead to an arrest, even when the stop results in a lengthy detention, search, and/or property damage.”

The lack of detailed and easily accessible data poses a challenge to those seeking to hold CBP accountable to its duties.

“On the one hand, we fight so hard for reasonable suspicion to actually exist rather than just the whim of an officer to stop someone, but on the other hand, it’s not a standard with a lot of teeth,” Rickerd said. “The courts would scrutinize it to see if there’s anything impermissible about what’s going on. But if we don’t have data, how do you figure that out?”

This story originally appeared on ProPublica as “Can Customs and Border Officials Search Your Phone? These Are Your Rights” and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

In: psmag.com

Produce dispuesto a permitir al grupo Falabella desarrollar proyectos en Tacna

Aventura Plaza y Open Plaza desean desarrollar centros comerciales en Tacna.

Imagen: http://www.ondigitalmagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/falabella2.jpg

El Ministerio de la Producción (Produce) prepublicó un proyecto de Decreto Supremo que permitirá a Aventura Plaza y Open Plaza, dos desarrolladoras inmobiliarias del Grupo Falabella, tener propiedades cerca a la frontera con Chile.

La ley peruana no permite que personas o sociedades con participación extranjera tengan propiedades a 50 kilómetros de alguna zona de frontera, salvo que cuenten con una declaración de necesidad pública.

En el caso de Aventura Plaza y Open Plaza, Produce indica que las empresas quieren abrir centros comerciales que generarán puestos de trabajo e inversiones en Tacna, región cuya principal fuente económica es el comercio. La ciudad de Tacna está ubicada a 34,5 kilómetros de la frontera, por lo que ninguna empresa de capitales extranjeros podría instalarse allí.

LO QUE DICE LA LEY

La ley peruana indica que “dentro de cincuenta (50) kilómetros de las fronteras, los extranjeros no pueden adquirir ni poseer por título alguno, minas, tierras, bosques, aguas, combustibles ni fuentes de energía, directa ni indirectamente, individualmente ni en sociedad, bajo pena de perder, en beneficio del Estado, el derecho así adquirido.”

Aventura Plaza ha pedido autorización para comprar un terreno de 100.000 metros cuadrados, mientras que Open Plaza ya tiene un inmueble comprado y solicita que le permitan mantenerlo bajo su propiedad.

Produce indica que los proyectos de esas empresas buscan construir nueva infraestructura arrendable que generará en su construcción 2.750 empleos y en su operación 5.500 empleos. Los centros comerciales generarían ventas por S/271,5 millones en su primer año, lo que implicaría una recaudación en IGV por S/46,2 millones y de S/22,7 millones en Impuesto a la Renta.

Distancia entre entre Tacna y el complejo fronterizo Santa Rosa. Desde Santa Rosa a la frontera hay unos 250 metros. (Mapa Google)

Produce recibirá opiniones, comentarios y/o sugerencias de la ciudadanía sobre este tema por un plazo de treinta (30) días hábiles. Las comunicaciones hay que remitirlas a la sede del Ministerio de la Producción con atención a la Dirección General de Políticas y Análisis Regulatorio del Viceministerio de MYPE e Industria, ubicada en Calle Uno Oeste Nº 060 – Urbanización Corpac, San Isidro, o a la dirección electrónica dp_dgpar@produce.gob.pe.

En: elcomercio

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