Report: GOP operative probing Clinton e-mail took his own life in Minnesota

Peter Smith. Screenshot via Youtube. Image:

CHICAGO (AP) — A published report says a former private equity adviser and Republican operative who died soon after telling The Wall Street Journal he tried during the 2016 presidential election to obtain Hillary Clinton’s emails from Russian hackers killed himself.

The Chicago Tribune reported Thursday that according to death records from Olmsted County, Minnesota, 81-year-old Peter W. Smith killed himself in a hotel near the Mayo Clinic on May 14. The newspaper says a note from Smith found by police said he was taking his own life because of bad health and an expiring life insurance policy.

Smith’s death came about 10 days after the Journal said he granted an interview in which he claimed he tried to acquire emails missing from Clinton’s server.

Smith had lived in the Chicago suburb of Lake Forest. A former employee told the Tribune he thought Smith went to the Mayo Clinic for treatment of a heart condition.

In: wthr

Reasd also: businessinsider – Republican donor kills himslef after talking about working with Russian hackers to get Hillary Clinton’s emails

This is our chance to make gerrymandering unconstitutional

Why you should support Common Cause

In January, a federal judge ruled that the Wisconsin Legislature—tasked with drawing legislative districts—would have to re-draw them to less blatantly favor one party over the other.

The Legislature in Wisconsin drew unconstitutionally partisan lines because they wanted to rig the system.

They’ve appealed the ruling to the Supreme Court, and you can bet they’ll be well financed.

This problem is called Gerrymandering, and I’m determined to terminate its poisonous impact on our democracy.

That’s why I’ve partnered with Common Cause, a nonprofit focused on promoting open, honest and accountable government.

We want to hire the best-in-the-business lawyers to argue this and other critical cases before the Supreme Court.

If we win, we have the chance to make gerrymandering unconstitutional nation-wide.

But terminating gerrymandering will be expensive.

Arguing a case in front of the Supreme Court, filing amicus briefs, paying for the research and legal expertise necessary to really have a shot at terminating gerrymandering — that’ll take anywhere from $250,000 to $1,000,000.

We’re hoping YOU can help us get to $150,000. And because we must win these cases, I’m personally going to match each and every dollar we raise with my own contribution.

Please chip in whatever you can afford today — even $3 will send a powerful message that the citizens of America won’t stand idly by as politicians protect their jobs instead of earn them.

Message from Arnold Schwarzenegger:

Thank you!

Friends — 

I have been traveling across the globe, but I had to take a moment to write you a quick note of thanks for joining me in the effort to end partisan gerrymandering.

Now that the Supreme Court has agreed to hear the case, our work begins in earnest. You are on the front lines of this battle, and I’m grateful to have you with me in this fight. 
I can think of no better way to celebrate our patriotism after July 4th than boldly proclaiming that as American citizens, we stand united against gerrymandering and the broken political system it has created.
We stand against politicians choosing themselves and their jobs over the people. 
We stand for American citizens taking political power into their own hands. 
You’ve already done your part by donating — now make sure that your friends know we have the chance to make gerrymandering unconstitutional. 
Share your support on Facebook.

Together, we’re going to make Washington work for regular people again. 
I hope you had a fantastic fourth, 


The Most Important Criminal Conviction in Brazil’s History

Lula lived up to an old Brazilian saying, “rouba mas faz”—“he steals, but he gets things done.”Photograph by Mateus Bonomi / AP

On Wednesday, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who served as the President of Brazil from 2003 to 2011, was convicted of corruption and money laundering. The case against him grew out of a long-running federal bribery investigation, known as Operation Car Wash, that has sent some of Brazil’s richest and most powerful people to prison—but Lula was the most significant figure to fall yet.

The judge who decided the case, Sérgio Moro, clearly understood the gravity of the situation. He sentenced Lula to nine and a half years in prison but, in deference to the national “trauma” involved in jailing a former President, allowed him to remain free during his appeal. Yet Moro was unambiguous about his conclusion that Lula had taken kickbacks while in office. In his written decision, he described the scheme uncovered by Operation Car Wash: the state oil company, Petrobras, had awarded contracts to construction firms, which then funnelled some of the money to lawmakers in Lula’s coalition. Lula’s precise role in the execution of the scheme remains unclear, but one of the firms involved, OAS, was found to have secretly given him a beachside apartment worth more than seven hundred thousand dollars. More details are sure to come out: Lula faces four additional trials for charges including corruption, influence peddling, and obstruction of justice.

After receiving his sentence, Lula was defiant. On Thursday morning, he held a press conference at the Workers’ Party headquarters in São Paulo. He railed against Moro, whose two-hundred-and-sixty-page ruling, he said, showed “absolutely no proof” of his guilt. Before the verdict, Lula had been—despite his legal troubles—leading the country’s 2018 Presidential election polls, and now he vowed to run. “Anyone who thinks this is the end of Lula is going to be disappointed,” he said, in a voice that has been made gravelly by decades of smoking and a bout of throat cancer. “Wait for me, because no one can decree my end but the Brazilian people.”

Lula’s enduring appeal stems in part from the economic boom he oversaw during his term as President, when thirty million people in Brazil were lifted out of extreme poverty. At the time, many Brazilians allowed themselves to dream that the country might finally see widespread prosperity. And working-class Brazilians identified with his biography: he was the first President of Brazil to grow up poor. Instead of attending school, he sold peanuts and shined shoes. At fourteen, he got a job at an auto-parts factory in São Paulo, where he lost his left pinky in a machine. He gained national fame in the seventies when, as a young union leader, he called for the first major workers strikes in defiance of the military dictatorship. He never lost his lisp, even after being elected to Congress in the eighties. To the country’s workers, he was more like them than any politician they had seen before—a squat man who drank cachaça.

Lula ran for President three times before winning the 2002 election. In his campaigns, he promised to fight the corruption that helped keep Brazil’s élites rich and its workers poor. Once in office, however, he decided not to confront the old system head on. To pass his progressive agenda, he decided to work within the system, building alliances with old-school politicians who, even if they had once supported the business-friendly dictatorship, put patronage over ideology. In the venerable Brazilian tradition, Lula’s Workers’ Party dangled government contracts to win campaign donations from wealthy families, and not every donation was declared to the authorities. With these trade-offs, Lula lived up to an old Brazilian saying, “rouba mas faz”—“he steals, but he gets things done.”

One thing that every Brazilian knows is that while Lula is the country’s first President to be convicted of corruption, he is almost certainly not the first to have committed it. The difference is that, in the past, Brazilian politicians could quash any investigation that threatened them. The irony of Lula’s downfall is that, while his Administration was siphoning billions of dollars from public coffers, it was also allowing an independent judiciary to flourish. That independence led to the investigation—Operation Car Wash—that would eventually ensnare him.

There were many in Brazil who celebrated Lula’s conviction. They believed him to be uniquely corrupt, and blamed the Workers’ Party for the country’s current economic ills. His supporters, however, were not shy in expressing their dismay. Union leaders and left-wing politicians called for protests against what they consider to be a political persecution, part of a right-wing conspiracy to bury Lula’s chances of returning to the Presidency. “This is not democracy,” Lindbergh Farias, a senator from the Workers’ Party, declared in a video on his Facebook page.

The problem with this theory is that Operation Car Wash has also targeted right-wing politicians. The current President, Michel Temer, who helped to orchestrate the impeachment of Lula’s successor, Dilma Rousseff, is one of several top conservative figures facing charges of corruption. (He has denied the charges). In fact, powerful politicians on both the right and the left have begun to quietly unite against Operation Car Wash. Behind the scenes, the Workers’ Party has reportedly worked with Temer’s party toward two common goals: amnesty for politicians who took undeclared campaign donations, and restrictions on the power of prosecutors. Last month, Lula even defended Temer publicly, accusing the country’s prosecutor general of “pyrotechnics” and saying that he should be punished if his allegations are disproved.

In his ruling, Moro cited the seventeenth-century English writer Thomas Fuller: “Be you never so high, the law is above you.” This is a very new concept in Brazil. In recent weeks, Temer has made drastic cuts to the federal police budget, and the main task force behind Operation Car Wash was shut down—even though ninety-five per cent of Brazilians want the investigation to keep going. This is a contest that defies ideological categories, pitting most of the political class against the public. Lula helped millions of the country’s poor, but to side with him now would risk undermining the fight against impunity.

Alex Cuadros is the author of “Brazillionaires: Wealth, Power, Decadence, and Hope in an American Country,” published by Spiegel & Grau. Read more »

In: nytimes

Aeropuerto de Chinchero: Gobierno resuelve contrato de concesión con Kuntur Wasi

La medida se tomó ante la negativa de la empresa “de llegar a un entendimiento en buenos términos y tras haber agotado todos los recursos posibles para sacar adelante el proyecto de infraestructura”, refiere el MTC en un comunicado.


El Ministerio de Transportes y Comunicaciones (MTC) informó que, ante la negativa de la empresa Kuntur Wasi, de llegar a un entendimiento en buenos términos y tras haber agotado todos los recursos posibles, el Estado Peruano decidió resolver el contrato de concesión con la empresa “por razones de interés público, dentro del alcance del contrato de concesión y sus cláusulas de caducidad”.

A través de un comunicado, el MTC detalla que se notificó de manera formal, esta mañana, su decisión a Kuntur Wasi y que viene estudiando actualmente la modalidad adecuada para la construcción del referido aeropuerto, “de manera que la ejecución del proyecto no se retrase y se salvaguarde el interés involucrado en dicho proyecto”.

“Conocedor de la relevancia de contar con una obra aeroportuaria de gran magnitud para el desarrollo del sur del país, el MTC reitera su pleno compromiso de llevarla a cabo en el menor tiempo posible”, finaliza el comunicado.

El titular del sector, Bruno Giuffra, a través de su cuenta de twitter, afirmó que la resolución del contrato de concesión fue ante la “imposibilidad de cerrar un acuerdo de mutuo disenso”.

“La resolución del contrato se hace ejecutando la cláusula de culminación unilateral que el mismo contrato establece”, puntualizó

En: gestion

¿Quién es Richard Concepción Carhuancho, el juez amenazado de muerte?

Encarcelado ‘Peter Ferrari’ estaría detrás de este plan.

Juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho. Imagen:

Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en febrero de 2017; sin embargo, la actualizamos debido a que se reveló que la Policía detectó un plan para asesinar al juez Concepción Carhuancho. Atribuyeron la autoría de la conspiración al investigado Pedro Pérez Miranda, alias ‘Peter Ferrari’, quien se encuentra recluido en el penal de Piedra Gordas.

[Detectan plan para asesinar al juez Concepción Carhuancho]

“Se ordena prisión preventiva por el plazo de 18 meses contra el investigado Alejandro Toledo Manrique”. Las palabras del juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho contra el ex presidente del Perú, acusado de soborno, se alzan como las más importantes en la historia de la política peruana desde los tiempos en que el también ex presidente peruano Alberto Fujimori fue sentenciado.

“…Se dispone cursar los oficios correspondientes para la ubicación, captura e internamiento en un establecimiento penitenciario del Perú. Para tal efecto se debe cursar orden de captura nacional e internacional”, dijo cansado, tras las casi 12 horas de audiencia Carhuancho, quien se ha convertido en el hombre de justicia más importante de los últimos días.

¿Quién es Concepción Carhuancho?

No es la primera vez que Richard Concepción Carhuancho, tarmeño de 45 años, es designado para un caso de interés nacional. De hecho su hoja de vida también nos muestra que estuvo al frente de las investigaciones sobre La Centralita, Nadine Heredia, ‘Peter Ferrari’, ‘Pancho’ Boza, entre otros.

Concepción Carhuancho estudió Derecho en la Universidad San Martín de Porres, logrando graduarse poco antes de 2000. Tres años más tarde lograría su título de maestría en Derecho de Empresas e iniciaría un Doctorado en la misma materia en 2013. Según su hoja de vida, publicada en el Consejo Nacional de la Magistratura, aún no lo acaba.

Su carrera como magistrado la inició el 2006 en Junín cuando fue designado como juez especializado suplente del 1° juzgado penal de Tarma. A partir de allí comenzó a escalar posiciones hasta ser nombrado como titular del 1° juzgado de investigación preparatoria nacional. Cargo que asume hasta hoy

La Centralita


Apenas fue designado en su nuevo cargo, tuvo en sus manos el caso ‘La Centralita’, convirtiéndose en un blanco directo de ataques. En su calidad de juez encargado de la investigación logró llevar a prisión al ex gobernador regional de Áncash, César Álvarez, principal implicado en el caso.

Junto al fiscal Elmer Chirre, Richard Concepción Carhuancho también tuvo a cargo la solicitud de extradición de Martín Belaunde Lossio de Bolivia. Finalmente logró traer de vuelta al exasesor presidencial y posteriormente, dictarle prisión preventiva.

Nadine Heredia


El pasado 22 de noviembre, una fotografía reveló que la ex primera dama, Nadine Heredia, se encontraba dentro de un avión rumbo a España. Inmediatamente se encendieron las alertas de una posible fuga de la esposa de Ollanta Humala, quien es investigada por los aportes que recibió el Partido Nacionalista para las campañas presidenciales 2006 y 2011.

Pero, si ya se tenían sospechas de una posible salida del país de la esposa de Ollanta Humala, ¿Por qué no se le negó?

Las miradas voltearon al Juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho, encargado de la investigación por presunto lavado de activos. Luego de explicar que no impidió la salida del país debido a que el fiscal del caso no lo solicitó, dio paso a la presión y ordenó la vuelta de Heredia Alarcón en 10 días. Aún no se resuelven las apelaciones que definirán su situación legal y el juez afronta una investigación de la Oficina de Control de la Magistratura (OCMA).

Consultado sobre la complejidad del caso Nadine, Concepción Carhuancho le dijo a *Perú21* una frase contundente, frase que quizás lo acompaña en cada uno de los casos que lleva adelante: “Estoy preparado para todo”.

Ahora, Toledo

El jueves fue una jornada maratónica en la Sala Penal Nacional. Luego de doce horas de iniciada la sesión y tras llamar al orden innumerables veces, el juez dio a conocer su decisión final: 18 meses de prisión preventiva para Alejandro Toledo. De esta forma colocó al hombre que se presentó al mundo como un humilde lustrabotas que triunfó en Harvard cada vez más cerca de ingresar a los libros de historia como el segundo ex presidente peruano tras las rejas.

Así como Fujimori nunca olvidará al juez César San Martín, el ahora prófugo de la justicia posiblemente siempre lleve en el recuerdo a Richard Concepción Carhuancho.

En una de las pocas entrevistas brindadas, el juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho explicó que la justicia “es darle a cada uno lo que le corresponde, ni más ni menos. Utilizar el aparato penal para que en caso se advierta que alguien es responsable, imponga las medidas que correspondan. Si también se detecta que alguien ha sido injustamente procesado, deben existir los correctivos para que se le excluya de una investigación y un proceso penal”.

En: peru21

Abogado de Nadine Heredia señala que fallo judicial es “arbitrario y sin fundamento”

La medida restrictiva de la libertad fue dictada por el Juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho. Esta no es una pena, los ahora reos de la justicia impugnarán la decisión judicial dictada en su contra en un plazo de 15 días.

Wilfredo Pedraza consideró que ex primera dama y el ex presidente Ollanta Humala tendrían que ser internados en un lugar que garantice su seguridad

Wilfredo Pedraza, abogado de Nadine Heredia, criticó la decisión del juez Richard Concepción Carhuancho de ordenar 18 meses de prisión preventiva contra la ex primera dama y su esposo, el ex presidente Ollanta Humala. A su juicio, el magistrado ha emitido prácticamente “una condena”, no una resolución correspondiente a una primera instancia en el marco de la investigación preliminar.

Según consideró, el juez ha valorado elementos probatorios que no están en el expediente del caso de lavado de activos que se le sigue a la ex pareja presidencial. Por ejemplo, indicó, información referida al Caso Madre Mía.

“Nosotros vamos a hacer la evaluación en otro momento. De hecho, nos parece una decisión absolutamente arbitraria, carente de fundamento. Se ha esbozado una serie de elementos a título de excusa muy imprecisos”, manifestó.

Asimismo, consideró que evaluar la gravedad de los hechos corresponde a la etapa de juicio oral, pues se está recién en una investigación preliminar.

En declaraciones a la prensa, Pedraza insistió en que su defendida y el ex mandatario nunca pensaron en fugar. “El mensaje es: ellos no se fugan, nunca han tenido ese propósito y por eso se están poniendo a derecho a pesar de que eso supone el abandono de sus tres menores hijos. A pesar de haber cumplido todas y cada una de las reglas de conducta. De manera que quede bien clara la arbitrariedad”, refirió el abogado, que apeló la resolución judicial.

De otro lado, dijo esperar que Nadine Heredia y Ollanta Humala sean internados en un centro de reclusión donde no estén expuestos y garantice su seguridad.

“Nadie pide un privilegio, pero sí medidas razonables en un estado de derecho”, señaló.

En: elcomercio