Supreme Court To Decide If Mexican Nationals May Sue For Border Shooting

The cellphone video is vivid. A border patrol agent aims his gun at an unarmed 15-year-old some 60 feet away, across the border with Mexico, and shoots him dead.

On Tuesday, the U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments in a case testing whether the family of the dead boy can sue the agent for damages in the U.S.

Between 2005 and 2013, there were 42 such cross-border shootings, a dramatic increase over earlier times.

The shooting took place on the border between El Paso, Texas, and Juárez, Mexico.

The area is about 180 feet across. Eighty feet one way leads to a steep incline and an 18-foot fence on the U.S. side — part of the so-called border wall that has already been built. An almost equal distance the other way is another steep incline leading to a wall topped by a guardrail on the Mexican side.

In between is a the dry bed of the Rio Grande with an invisible line in the middle that separates the U.S. and Mexico. Overhead is a railroad bridge with huge columns supporting it, connecting the two countries.

In June 2010, Sergio Hernández and his friends were playing chicken, daring each other to run up the incline on the U.S. side and touch the fence, according briefs filed by lawyers for the Hernández family.

At some point U.S. border agent Jesus Mesa, patrolling the culvert, arrived on a bicycle, grabbed one of the kids at the fence on the U.S. side, and the others scampered away. Fifteen-year-old Sergio ran past Mesa and hid behind a pillar beneath the bridge on the Mexican side.

As the boy peeked out, Agent Mesa, 60 feet or so away on the U.S. side, drew his gun, aimed it at the boy, and fired three times, the last shot hitting the boy in the head.

Although agents quickly swarmed the scene, they are forbidden to cross the border. They did not offer medical aid, and soon left on their bikes, according to lawyers for the family.

A day after the shooting, the FBI’s El Paso office issued a press release asserting that agent Mesa fired his gun after being “surrounded” by suspected illegal aliens who “continued to throw rocks at him.”

Two days later, cell phone videos surfaced contradicting that account. In one video the boy’s small figure can be seen edging out from behind the column; Mesa fires, and the boy falls to the ground.

“The statement literally says he was surrounded by these boys, which is just objectively false,” says Bob Hilliard, who represents the family. Pointing to the cell phone video, he says it is “clear that nobody was near ” agent Mesa.

In one video, a woman’s voice is heard saying that some of the boys had been throwing rocks, but the video does not show that, and by the time the shooting takes place, nobody is surrounding agent Mesa.

The U.S. Department of Justice decided not to prosecute Mesa. Among other things, the department concluded that it did not have jurisdiction because the boy was not on U.S. soil when he was killed.

Mexico charged the agent with murder, but when the U.S. refused to extradite him, no prosecution could go forward.

U.S. Customs and Border Patrol did not discipline agent Mesa—a fact that critics, including high-ranking former agency officials, say reflects a pattern inside the agency.

The parents of the slain boy, however, have sued Mesa for damages, contending that the killing violated the U.S. Constitution by depriving Sergio Hernández of his life.

“I can’t believe that this is allowed to happen – that a border patrol agent is allowed to kill someone on the Mexican side, and nothing happens,” Sergio’s mother, Maria Guadalupe Güereca Betancour, says through an interpreter.

As the case comes to the Supreme Court, there has been no trial yet and no court finding of facts. Mesa continues to maintain that he shot the boy in self-defense after being surrounded by rock-throwing kids.

That’s a scenario that Mesa’s lawyers say is borne out by other videos from stationary cameras that have not been released to the public.

“It was clear that Agent Mesa was in an area that is wrought with narcotics trafficking and human trafficking,” asserts Randolph Ortega, who represents Mesa on behalf of the border patrol agents union. “And it’s clear that, in my opinion, he was defending himself.”

The only question before the Supreme Court centers on whether the Hernández family has the right to sue. A divided panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals concluded that no reasonable officer would have done what Agent Mesa did, and that therefore the family could sue.

However, the full court of appeals reversed that judgment, ruling that because the Hernández boy was standing on the Mexico side of the border and was a Mexican citizen with no ties to the United States, his family could not sue for a violation of the U.S. Constitution. Moreover, the appeals court said that even if the facts as alleged by the Hernández family are true, Mesa is entitled to qualified immunity, meaning he cannot be sued because there is no clearly established body of law barring his conduct.

Lawyers for the Hernández family counter that Supreme Court precedents establish a practical approach in determining whether there is a right to sue for the use of excessive force in circumstances like these. Lawyer Hilliard says yes, the boy was across the border when the shots were fired, but by just 60 feet.

“This is a domestic action by a domestic police officer standing in El Paso, Texas, who is to be constrained by this country’s constitution,” Hilliard contends. “There’s a U.S. Supreme Court case that says a law enforcement officer cannot seize an individual by shooting him dead, which is what happened in this case.”

Hilliard argues that if you follow the border patrol’s argument to its necessary conclusion, “it means that a law enforcement officer is immune to the Constitution when exercising deadly force across the border.

“He could stand on the border and target practice with the kids inside the culvert,” Hilliard warns.

But lawyer Ortega replies that’s not true, and asks how the court should draw the line.

“How far does it extend? Does it extend 40 feet? As far as the bullet can travel? All of Juárez, Mexico? All of (the state of) Chihuahua, Mexico? Where does the line end?”

Backed by the federal government, he suggests that a ruling in favor of the Hernández family would mean foreigners could sue over a drone attack.

Now it’s up to the Supreme Court to decide where to draw the line.

In: npr

Donald Trump alude a un ataque terrorista en Suecia que nunca existió

El presidente Donald Trump en Florida. KEVIN LAMARQUEREUTERS

La asesora de Donald Trump inventa una masacre para justificar su veto a los refugiados

“Uno mira lo que está ocurriendo en Alemania, uno mira lo que pasó anoche en Suecia. Suecia, ¿quien lo creería? Suecia”, señaló Trump

Al hablar ante seguidores en Florida el sábado, el presidente estadounidense Donald Trump aludió a un incidente terrorista en el país escandinavo, en una nueva mención de su gobierno a un ataque inexistente.

En un acto público al estilo de campaña, Trump mencionó una lista de lugares que han sido blanco de ataques terroristas.

“Tenemos que mantener nuestro país a salvo. Uno mira lo que está ocurriendo en Alemania, uno mira lo que pasó anoche en Suecia. Suecia, ¿quien lo creería? Suecia. Recibieron a muchos. Están teniendo muchos problemas que jamás imaginaron”, señaló en un discurso, en el que defendió su decreto para impedir el ingreso de refugiados y ciudadanos de siete países musulmanes, que fue suspendido por la justicia.

También mencionó a Bruselas, Niza y París, ciudades que han sido víctima de atentados terroristas.

Un portavoz de Trump no respondió de inmediato a una solicitud de la AFP este domingo para obtener una clarificación sobre los comentarios del presidente norteamericano.

En Twitter, la plataforma de comunicación preferida de Trump, los usuarios lanzaban bromas con los hashtags #lastnightinSweden (anocheenSuecia) y #SwedenIncident (IncidenteSuecia).

https://twitter.com/DougallChops/status/833268073419403264

El ex primer ministro sueco Carl Bildt inquirió: “¿Suecia? ¿Ataque terrorista? ¿Qué ha estado fumando? Abundan las interrogantes”.

Gunnar Hokmark, un miembro sueco del Parlamento Europeo, retuiteó un comentario con el hashtag “#anocheenSuecia y el comentario “mi hijo arrojó su hot dog al fuego. ¡Qué triste!”

Hokmark agregó su propio comentario: “¿Cómo pudo saberlo?

En el mes que lleva en la Casa Blanca, el gobierno de Trump ha sido objeto de críticas y ridiculizaciones por mencionar ataques que jamás tuvieron lugar.

Su asesora Kellyanne Conway -quien hizo famosa la frase “hechos alternativos”- se inventó la “masacre de Bowling Green” durante una entrevista.

Luego dijo en un tuit que lo que quiso decir era “terroristas de Bowling Green”, en alusión a dos iraquíes que fueron acusados en 2011 de intentar enviar armas y dinero a Al Qaeda, y utilizar dispositivos explosivos improvisados contra soldados estadounidenses en Irak.

Y el portavoz de la Casa Blanca, Sean Spicer, hizo tres referencias en una semana a un atentado en Atlanta.. Luego precisó que se había querido referir a Orlando, la ciudad de Florida donde una estadounidense de origen afgano ultimó a 49 personas en una discoteca el año pasado.

En: elpais

Robert Harward Turns Down Offer to Become President Trump’s National Security Adviser

Retired Navy Vice Adm. Robert Harward has turned down an offer to become President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, a White House official said on Thursday.

Image: Vice Adm. Robert Harward in 2011. Sgt. Shawn Coolman / U.S. Marine Corps/AP

“It’s purely a personal issue,” Harward told The Associated Press on Thursday evening. “I’m in a unique position finally after being in the military for 40 years to enjoy some personal time.”

White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer said, “He is a great man who has served his country with distinction. Any discussion was subject to him overcoming family and financial concerns [which] he could not do.”

Trump is searching for a replacement for retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who resigned on Monday over phone calls with Russia’s ambassador to the United States, communications that reportedly involved discussions of sanctions leveled against the country during the Obama administration.

Harward, a former Navy SEAL, spent almost 40 years in the Navy and was on President George W. Bush’s National Security Council, with experience in several Middle Eastern countries, as well as Somalia and Bosnia.

Retired Navy Vice Adm. Robert Harward has turned down an offer to become President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, a White House official said on Thursday.

“It’s purely a personal issue,” Harward told The Associated Press on Thursday evening. “I’m in a unique position finally after being in the military for 40 years to enjoy some personal time.”

White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer said, “He is a great man who has served his country with distinction. Any discussion was subject to him overcoming family and financial concerns [which] he could not do.”

Trump is searching for a replacement for retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who resigned on Monday over phone calls with Russia’s ambassador to the United States, communications that reportedly involved discussions of sanctions leveled against the country during the Obama administration.

Harward, a former Navy SEAL, spent almost 40 years in the Navy and was on President George W. Bush’s National Security Council, with experience in several Middle Eastern countries, as well as Somalia and Bosnia.

Harward left a military career for a job as chief executive for defense giant Lockheed Martin in the United Arab Emirates, where he is responsible for strategy, operations and growth, according to the company.

Harward had been considered a front-runner for the job. Trump has appointed retired Army Gen. Keith Kellogg as acting adviser.

Related: Who Are the Possible Replacements for Flynn?

In announcing his resignation Monday, Flynn said he “inadvertently briefed the Vice President Elect and others with incomplete information regarding my phone calls with the Russian ambassador.”

Trump said Thursday that he didn’t believe Flynn did anything wrong, but he said he did not direct Flynn to call the ambassador and discuss sanctions.

“I fired him because of what he said to Mike Pence, very simple,” Trump said.

“Mike was doing his job. He was calling countries and his counterparts, so it certainly would have been OK with me if he did it,” Trump said. “I would have directed him to do it if I thought he wasn’t doing it. I didn’t direct him, but I would have directed him, because that’s his job.”

In: nbc

Supreme Court nominee Gorsuch calls Trump’s tweets ‘disheartening’

Image: http://ei.marketwatch.com/Multimedia/2017/01/31/Photos/ZH/MW-FE872_gorsuc_20170131202126_ZH.jpg?uuid=c098f65e-e81c-11e6-96ab-001cc448aede

Image: http://ei.marketwatch.com/Multimedia/2017/01/31/Photos/ZH/MW-FE872_gorsuc_20170131202126_ZH.jpg?uuid=c098f65e-e81c-11e6-96ab-001cc448aede

Washington (CNN) – Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch told a US senator Wednesday that President Donald Trump’s tweets about the judiciary are “demoralizing” and “disheartening.”

In a meeting with Connecticut Democratic Sen. Richard Blumenthal, Gorsuch, who’s largely been silent since Trump nominated him last week, took exception to Trump calling a federal judge in Seattle a “so-called judge” after blocking the President’s travel ban.

“He said very specifically that they were demoralizing and disheartening and he characterized them very specifically that way,” Blumenthal said of Gorsuch. “I said they were more than disheartening and I said to him that he has an obligation to make his views clear to the American people, so they understand how abhorrent or unacceptable President Trump’s attacks on the judiciary are.”

Ron Bonjean, who is leading communications for Gorsuch during the confirmation process, confirmed Gorsuch called Trump’s tweet about the “so-called judge” “disheartening” and “demoralizing” in his conversation with Blumenthal.

Trump’s comments could complicate the upcoming hearings for Gorsuch, who is certain to face questions about Trump’s tweets from Democrats. Liberals, already concerned with Gorsuch’s record, have also asked how he will demonstrate independence from the President.

Neil Gorsuch fast facts

But Gorsuch’s statement could help him with some moderate lawmakers. In the private meeting with Blumenthal, and in one with Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer, Gorsuch seems to be trying to address the issue proactively.

Gorsuch told Schumer in a meeting Tuesday that an attack on his fellow judges is an attack on all, and he said he is incredibly disheartened when people attack his fellow judges, according to a source familiar with the discussion who paraphrased the judge’s comments. He also told Schumer that judges are used to being criticized and are no one’s lackeys.

Blumenthal, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said he brought up examples of Trump’s recent rhetoric, including the tweets and the President’s criticism of the federal court Wednesday morning before law enforcement officials.

That’s when Gorsuch expressed disappointment in Trump’s comments, Blumenthal said. “He didn’t disagree with me on that point.”

“I said to him if a litigant before your court — and the President of the United States is in fact a litigant right now in the immigration ban cases — said what President Trump said, you would hold him in contempt of court,” Blumenthal said, adding that Gorsuch did not give a response to that comment.

Schumer spokesman Matt House said Gorsuch isn’t going far enough.

“Given the President’s comments, that a very milquetoast response,” House said. “Anyone can be disheartened, but the judge refused to condemn the comments privately or publicly.”

Gorsuch meeting with senators

Gorsuch, a federal appeals court judge from Colorado, has been meeting with senators on both sides of the aisle since being nominated last week.

Blumenthal said the two men met for 40 minutes in the senator’s office, where they discussed their shared running habits and “common love for the outdoors,” among more serious conversations about Gorsuch’s judicial views and background.

While Blumenthal described the meeting as “amicable,” he said he was “disappointed” in Gorsuch’s responses to his questions and felt he was not being forthcoming and specific enough. He said he was especially looking for more answers on Gorsuch’s thoughts about reproductive rights, workers’ rights and consumer protection issues.

Asked if Blumenthal is open to supporting Gorsuch, the senator said he will wait until after the Judiciary Committee holds hearings on Gorsuch’s nomination to make a final decision but that he has “serious and deep concerns” about him.

Blumenthal said he supports requiring a 60-vote threshold to confirm the Supreme Court nominee, and if he decides to oppose Gorsuch, Blumenthal said he will use “every tool” at his disposal to fight the nomination. Republicans need eight of their Democratic colleagues to break that threshold and prevent a filibuster.

Blumenthal was one of three Democratic senators that Gorsuch met with on Wednesday. He also sat down with Democratic Sens. Claire McCaskill of Missouri and Sen. Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota — two states that Trump won.

Impact of Trump’s tweets

Trump’s tweets have disturbed many in the legal community. While it is not unusual for a president to disagree with a ruling from the Judicial Branch, Trump is using his Twitter account to call out individual judges while cases are being heard.

His “so-called judge” tweet came after Washington state-based federal Judge James Robart Friday blocked Trump’s executive order barring citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries — Iraq, Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen — from entering the US for 90 days. Trump’s order also blocked all refugees from entering 120 days and indefinitely halts refugees from Syria.

Trump has continued to call out Robart in the days since the ruling.
“Just cannot believe a judge would put our country in such peril,” Trump tweeted. “If something happens blame him and court system. People pouring in. Bad!” Trump tweeted.

The Trump administration has appealed Robart’s temporary restraining order. A panel of judges from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals heard oral arguments Tuesday and is expected to rule this week.

Last summer, Trump also went after US District Court Judge Gonzalo Curiel, who was oveseeing a Trump University lawsuit. Although Curiel was born in Indiana, Trump said he was in an “absolute conflict” in presiding over litigation given that he was of “Mexican heritage.”

Trump’s comments also risk offending some current Supreme Court justices, including Chief Justice John Roberts, who recently wrote about the importance of lower court judges. In his annual report last month, Roberts called judges “selfless, patriotic and brave,” and he said “this is no job for impulsive, timid or inattentive souls.”

“You might be asking,” Roberts wrote about life-tenured judges, “why any lawyer would want a job that requires long hours, exacting skill and intense devotion — while promising high stress, solitary confinement and guaranteed criticism.”

“The answer lies in the rewards of public service,” Roberts wrote.

Art Roderick, a CNN contributor and a retired US Marshal, noted that Trump should be “fully aware” of what kinds of threats the judiciary receives because the President’s own sister is a federal judge.

“Any time a federal judge receives a threat, the marshals investigate and provide the proper protection based on that threat,” Roderick said. “Anybody that has looked at what the US Marshals do has got to realize that an attack on any judge is an attack on the rule of law of the United States.”

CNN’s Ariane de Vogue, Ted Barrett, Jeff Zeleny and Jeremy Diamond contributed to this report.

In: cnn

Jeff Sessions faces a tough job as the new attorney general — and Trump isn’t making it any easier

After enduring an unusually bitter confirmation battle for a sitting U.S. senator, Jeff Sessions will barely have time to settle into his fifth-floor office at the Justice Department before he takes center stage in some of the nation’s most acute controversies.

Sessions was approved 52 to 47 on Wednesday night after a prolonged fight, in a vote largely down party lines. Sen. Joe Manchin III of West Virginia was the only Democrat who supported him. Sessions voted present.

With too few votes to block the nomination, Senate Democrats slow-walked the confirmation, staging a dramatic overnight session Tuesday after Republicans silenced Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), preventing her from reading decades-old criticism of Sessions from Coretta Scott King, the widow of slain civil rights leader the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

Even House Democrats, who have no vote on the confirmation, joined in protest Wednesday evening in the Senate chamber.

At the Justice Department, Sessions will be responsible for leading the legal defense of President Trump’s immigration restrictions, for halting and investigating terrorist attacks, and for investigating hate crimes and abuses by local and state law enforcement.

He also is expected to play a key role in implementing Trump’s promised crackdown on illegal immigration by increasing deportations.

His boss isn’t making things easier. Last weekend, Trump denounced a federal judge in Seattle who had temporarily blocked Trump’s executive order suspending immigration and refugees from seven Muslim-majority countries.

A three-judge panel from the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco heard arguments Tuesday on the government’s effort to lift the stay. The judges did not issue an immediate ruling, and Trump complained Wednesday that the legal process was taking too long.

“You could be a lawyer, or you don’t have to be a lawyer. If you were a good student in high school or a bad student in high school, you can understand this, and it’s really incredible to me that we have a court case that’s going on so long,” Trump told a law enforcement chiefs’ conference in Washington.

The legal battle over the travel ban is expected to wind up in the U.S. Supreme Court.

Sessions “is in a tight spot, that is for sure,” said John Hudak, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank. “He has a tough job for a whole panoply of reasons.”

Sessions was first elected to the Senate from Alabama in 1996, and served two decades on the Judiciary Committee, which reviews federal judges and conducts oversight of the Justice Department.

But in a staunchly partisan era, his confirmation hearings quickly broke on party lines. In the end, he did not receive a single vote from Democrats on the committee.

Supporters say Sessions is uniquely qualified to lead the Justice Department in such a turbulent time.

Pointing to his 12 years as U.S. attorney in Alabama, and two years as state attorney general, they said Sessions has the experience to prosecute criminals, make policy decisions and aggressively tackle illegal immigration.

They described him as personable and courteous, traits that led him to be generally well regarded in the Senate, and could help him win over career Justice Department lawyers.

“He is serious about both the law and the department, and with his background he is uniquely equipped to handle the job,” said Michael B. Mukasey, who served as attorney general under President George W. Bush and who testified in support of Sessions’ nomination. “I suspect the learning curve won’t be too steep for him.”

Democrats and civil rights groups worry that Sessions’ conservative record on civil rights, voting rights and environmental laws portends trouble.

They also are concerned that such an ardent Trump advocate — Sessions was one of Trump’s earliest and most enthusiastic campaign surrogates — will oversee the reported federal investigation into potential ties between the Trump campaign and the Russian government.

U.S. intelligence agencies last month issued a report that concluded Russian intelligence agencies launched cyberattacks against Democratic Party officials and took other measures aimed at influencing American voters to support Trump.

Sen. Dianne Feinstein of California, the top Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, and other Democrats have questioned whether Sessions can be trusted to enforce the law, especially if potential investigative targets are in the White House.

“It is very difficult to reconcile for me the independence and objectivity necessary for the position of attorney general with the partisanship this nominee has demonstrated,” Feinstein said to explain why she voted against Sessions’ nomination in the Judiciary Committee.

Sessions has said he won’t be afraid to tell Trump he is wrong or that a planned action is unconstitutional.  An attorney general has “to be able to say no, both for the country, for the legal system and for the president, to avoid situations that are not acceptable. I understand that duty,” Sessions testified.

Legal experts and former Justice Department officials said Sessions would have a difficult task. Trump is used to getting his way. He also has expressed expansive views of presidential authority that worry even the most conservative legal scholars.

John Yoo, a law professor at UC Berkeley who served in the Justice Department in the George W. Bush administration, said Sessions would have to combat those presidential impulses while retaining Trump’s trust — a task that Yoo likened to walking a tightrope.

“If you are too far from the president, you will get cut out of the decision-making process and you are not doing your job as attorney general,” said Yoo, who recently wrote in the New York Times that he had concerns about Trump’s use of presidential authority.

While in the Justice Department, Yoo was a vocal advocate for a muscular executive branch. He wrote the so-called torture memos that gave the Bush administration the legal authority to approve the CIA’s use of “enhanced interrogation” of suspected terrorists, including waterboarding.

“On the other hand,” Yoo added, “someone has to tell the president that what he is doing is illegal or unconstitutional, even when Trump’s instincts and his political advisors are pushing for it. Sessions is the only person in the administration now who can do that, tell the president no. We will have to see how that plays out.”

In contrast, Yoo said James B. Comey, the FBI director, has little political capital.

In July, Comey publicly announced that no charges would be filed against Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton for her email practices as secretary of State, infuriating Republicans. Then, about a week before the November election, he announced the FBI was reviewing newly discovered emails, astonishing Democrats.

The last-minute disclosure threw the presidential race into chaos, and even though Comey said several days later that the review had ended with no change in the bureau’s conclusion in the Clinton case, Democrats blamed Comey for tipping the election in Trump’s favor.

Sessions had no role in that controversy, but he may have to deal with its aftermath. Comey’s actions — and others taken by the Justice Department in the email inquiry — are under investigation by the Justice Department’s inspector general.

The outcome of that inquiry “could be very messy,” Yoo said. “Suppose it determines that Comey acted improperly and made bad decisions. The natural question then is, should he be replaced? Whatever the decision, it is going to be unpopular.”

Sessions can expect a frosty reception from some staffers at the Justice Department, particularly those in the civil rights and environmental units, which expect their broad authority under the Obama administration to be curtailed. Lawyers in other divisions said they didn’t expect much to change.

Despite the uneasiness, lawyers at the Justice Department said they were pleased with early White House choices for key department posts.

In particular, they cited the selection of Rod Rosenstein, a longtime Justice Department lawyer who has served as U.S. attorney in Maryland in both Republican and Democratic administrations, to be deputy attorney general.

“Rod is a great pick,” said David O’Neil, a former top Justice Department official in the Obama administration, echoing comments of current lawyers. “He is as institutional as they come. He has a lot of integrity.”

The deputy attorney general runs day-to-day operations in the sprawling department, which includes the FBI, Federal Bureau of Prisons and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.  It has more than 100,000 employees and a $28.7-billion budget.

In: latimes 

Aerolínea Emirates adapta tripulaciones en vuelos a EE.UU. tras decreto de Trump

La compañía subrayó que “sigue realizando, como previsto, sus vuelos regulares a Estados Unidos” y que “ninguno de sus tripulantes se ha visto, hasta ahora, afectado” por la nueva reglamentación.

Dubái (AFP).- La compañía aérea Emirates de Dubái afirmó este lunes haber modificado las tripulaciones de sus vuelos con destino a Estados Unidos para adaptarse al decreto antiinmigración del presidente Donald Trump.

“La reciente modificación de las condiciones de entrada en Estados Unidos para los ciudadanos de siete países se aplica a todos los viajeros y miembros de la tripulación” en los vuelos hacia aeropuertos estadounidenses, afirmó la aerolínea en un comunicado.

“Hemos realizado los cambios necesarios en nuestras tripulaciones para adaptarnos a las (nuevas) exigencias” de la administración Trump, agregó Emirates, cuyos empleados son originarios de varios países, incluidos los afectados por el decreto de Trump.

La compañía subrayó que “sigue realizando, como previsto, sus vuelos regulares a Estados Unidos” y que “ninguno de sus tripulantes se ha visto, hasta ahora, afectado” por la nueva reglamentación.

Trump firmó el viernes un decreto que prohíbe durante tres meses la entrada en Estados Unidos de ciudadanos de siete países de mayoría musulmana: Irak, Irán, Libia, Somalia, Sudán, Siria y Yemen. Se exceptúan las personas en poder de visas diplomáticas y oficiales y aquellas que trabajen para organismos internacionales.

En: gestion

Refugees Detained at U.S. Airports; Trump Immigration Order Is Challenged

By NICHOLAS KULISH and MANNY FERNANDEZ / JAN. 28, 2017

President Trump’s executive order closing the nation’s borders to refugees was put into immediate effect on Friday night. Refugees who were airborne on flights on the way to the United States when the order was signed were stopped and detained at airports.

The detentions prompted legal challenges as lawyers representing two Iraqis held at Kennedy Airport filed a writ of habeas corpus early Saturday in the Eastern District of New York seeking to have their clients released. At the same time, they filed a motion for class certification, in an effort to represent all refugees and immigrants who they said were being unlawfully detained at ports of entry.

Mr. Trump’s order, which suspends entry for all refugees for 120 days, created a legal limbo for people on their way to the United States and panic for families who were awaiting their arrival.

The president’s order also blocks the admission of refugees from Syria indefinitely, and bars entry into the United States for 90 days from seven predominantly Muslim countries linked to concerns about terrorism. Those countries are Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen.

It was unclear how many refugees and immigrants were being held nationwide in the aftermath of the executive order. The complaints were filed by a prominent group including the American Civil Liberties Union, the International Refugee Assistance Project at the Urban Justice Center, the National Immigration Law Center, Yale Law School’s Jerome N. Frank Legal Services Organization and the firm Kilpatrick Townsend & Stockton.

The lawyers said that one of the Iraqis detained at Kennedy Airport, Hameed Khalid Darweesh, had worked on behalf of the United States government in Iraq for 10 years. The other, Haider Sameer Abdulkhaleq Alshawi, was coming to the United States to join his wife, who had worked for an American contractor, and young son, the lawyers said. They said both men had been detained at the airport on Friday night after arriving on separate flights.

The lawyers said they had not been allowed to meet with their clients, and there were tense moments as they tried to reach them.

“Who is the person we need to talk to?” asked one of the lawyers, Mark Doss, a supervising attorney at the International Refugee Assistance Project.

“Mr. President,” said a Customs and Border Protection agent, who declined to identify himself. “Call Mr. Trump.”

The executive order, which Mr. Trump said was part of an extreme vetting plan to keep out “radical Islamic terrorists,” also established a religious test for refugees from Muslim nations: He ordered that Christians and others from minority religions be granted priority over Muslims.

In the arrivals hall at Terminal 4 of Kennedy Airport, Mr. Doss and two other lawyers fought fatigue as they tried to learn the status of their clients on the other side of the security perimeter.

“We’ve never had an issue once one of our clients was at a port of entry in the United States,” Mr. Doss said. “To see people being detained indefinitely in the country that’s supposed to welcome them is a total shock.”

“These are people with valid visas and legitimate refugee claims who have already been determined by the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security to be admissible and to be allowed to enter the U.S. and now are being unlawfully detained,” Mr. Doss said.

A supervisor for Customs and Border Protection at Kennedy Airport declined to comment, referring questions to public affairs officials. Calls to officials in Washington and New York were not returned early Saturday.

According to the filing, Mr. Darweesh was granted a special immigrant visa on Jan. 20, the same day Mr. Trump was sworn in as president. Mr. Darweesh worked with the United States in Iraq in a variety of jobs — as an interpreter, engineer and contractor — over the course of roughly a decade.

Mr. Darweesh worked as an interpreter for the Army’s 101st Airborne Division in Baghdad and Mosul starting shortly after the invasion of Iraq on April 1, 2003. The filing said he had been directly targeted twice for working with the United States military.

A husband and father of three, he arrived at Kennedy Airport on Friday evening with his family. Mr. Darweesh’s wife and children made it through passport control and customs, but agents of Customs and Border Protection stopped and detained him.

Brandon Friedman, who worked with Mr. Darweesh as an infantry lieutenant with the 101st Airborne, praised Mr. Darweesh’s work. “This is a guy that this country owes a debt of gratitude to,” Mr. Friedman said. “There are not many Americans who have done as much for this country as he has. He’s put himself on the line. He’s put his family on the line to help U.S. soldiers in combat, and it is astonishing to me that this country would suddenly not allow people like that in.”

Mr. Friedman, who is the chief executive of the McPherson Square Group, a communications firm in Washington, added, “We have a moral obligation to protect and repay these people who risked their lives for U.S. troops.”

He also said he feared for America’s military. “This not only endangers troops in the future, it endangers troops who are in combat now in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, wherever,“ Mr. Friedman said. “If those interpreters and those fixers hear that the United States is not going to protect them, then they don’t have any incentive to work with U.S. troops, and there’s no way that we can operate without their support and assistance.”

“He is a brave individual, and he cares about Iraq and he cares about the U.S.,” he said of Mr. Darweesh.

Mr. Alshawi was supposed to be reunited with his wife, who has been living in Texas. The wife, who asked to be identified by her first initial, D., out of concern for her family’s safety, wiped away tears as she sat on a couch in her sister’s house early Saturday in a Houston suburb.

The woman, a 32-year-old who was born in Iraq, met her husband when both were students at a Baghdad college. The couple has one child, a 7-year-old son who is in first grade. The boy was asleep in the house at 3 a.m. Eastern time Saturday, unaware that his father was in the United States but under detention and at risk of being returned to Iraq.

Relatives crowded the living room in their pajamas and slippers, making and receiving phone calls to and from other relatives and the refugee’s lawyers. At times, D. was so emotional that she had trouble speaking about her husband’s predicament.

She pulled out her cellphone and flipped through her pictures. She wanted to show a reporter a picture she had taken of her son’s letter to Santa Claus. In November, at a Macy’s Santa-letter display at a nearby mall, the boy wrote out his wish: “Dear Santa: Can you bring my Dad from Sweden pls.” He has not seen his father in three years.

“I’m really breaking down, because I don’t know what to do,” she said. “It’s not fair.”

She and her relatives had not told her son that his father was finally coming to Houston and that the son’s wish to Santa was about to come true. “It was a surprise for him,” she said.

Earlier on Friday, she had watched news coverage about Mr. Trump’s executive order. “My husband was already on the airplane,” she said. “He got to the airplane at 11 o’clock in Houston time.” At that point, she grew worried about what effect the order would have on her husband, but she assumed it would not take effect immediately.

D., along with her brother and her sister, asked that their full names not be used because they were concerned that publicity about the case would lead to harassment.

At about 2:30 a.m. Eastern time Saturday, Mr. Alshawi called his wife on her cellphone. They spoke for about five minutes, and D. put the call on speaker so the rest of the family gathered at the house could hear. It was the first time D. and her husband had spoken since he arrived at the airport in New York at about 8:30 p.m. Eastern time on Friday, she said. He had flown from Stockholm to New York, and was supposed to then fly to Houston.

“He gave his package and his passport to an airport officer, and they didn’t talk to him, they just put him in a room,” she said. “He told me that they forced him to get back to Iraq. He asked for his lawyer and to apply for an asylum case. And they told him, ‘You can’t do that. You need to go back to your country.’”

She said the authorities at the airport had told him that the president’s signing of the executive order was the reason he could not proceed to Houston.

“They told him it’s the president’s decision,” she said.

D.’s brother added of the phone call with his brother-in-law, “He’s very calm but he’s desperate. He said, ‘They are sending me there, they are sending me there,’” referring to Iraq.

In: nytimes

El régimen de periodistas del Duce

Periodista + poder = dictador. No necesariamente esta ecuación tendría que dar siempre tan tremendo resultado. Pero en el caso de Benito Mussolini (1883-1945) esa suma es, en efecto, de una precisión matemática.

Imagen: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1306648-el-regimen-de-periodistas-del-duce

Imagen: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1306648-el-regimen-de-periodistas-del-duce

El de Mussolini fue un régimen de periodistas que no sólo influiría fuertemente sobre futuros gobiernos derechistas en la manera de manipular a la prensa, sino también en administraciones de signo supuestamente progresista. Una influencia que, lamentablemente, aún no ha cesado y cuyos aires nos resultan desafortunadamente familiares. Es curioso: el fascismo goza de muy mala prensa, pero hasta algunos que se creen sus detractores no se cansan de practicarlo y no de manera tan solapada.

Hijo de padre izquierdista y madre católica, Benito -por Benito Juárez, el revolucionario mexicano- sufrirá sucesivas y sísmicas mutaciones políticas a lo largo del tiempo.

“Del anarquismo al socialismo, el nacionalismo extremo y, finalmente, el fascismo”, sintetiza el historiador Peter Neville en Mussolini , una biografía que presta atención a las circunstancias que pesaron en su formación. A pesar de haber trabajado como albañil y varias veces como maestro, el periodismo captó el centro de su atención muy recurrentemente como colaborador de periódicos socialistas, tarea que alternaba con sus incursiones como agitador y orador de causas siempre inflamadas. “La experiencia como periodista -señala Neville- sería invaluable en su carrera política.”

La inclinación hacia las letras efímeras -qué otra cosa es después de todo el periodismo- le venía por la sangre: si bien su padre fue herrero, en cierta época escribió un par de notas, en tanto que su hermano Arnaldo ( ghostwriter de ” il Duce “, en Mi autobiografía ) y su sobrino Vito se dedicaron de lleno al periodismo.

El mismo Benito tenía pasta para aporrear las máquinas de escribir y llegó a ser director del periódico Lucha de clases , de Forli, en 1909. En 1912, al borde de los 30 años, ya era editor de Avanti! y, dos años más tarde, fundaba Il Popolo d´Italia . “Mussolini -apunta Neville- produjo gran cantidad de escritos, y aunque están plagados de egotismo y dogmatismo, permiten comprender ciertos aspectos de su personalidad.”

La figura del dictador italiano viene a cuento porque en las últimas semanas se estrenó en la Argentina Vincere , el apreciado film de Marco Bellocchio que supo reflejar con dramatismo las tortuosas aristas de su compleja relación amorosa con Ida Dalser, a la que se propuso borrar del mapa en cuanto comenzó a incomodarlo. Y lo mismo con el hijo que ambos tuvieron, que llevaba su propio nombre. Mussolini prefirió, en cambio, inclinarse por otra mujer, Rachele Guidi, su esposa oficial, con quien tuvo tres hijos: Edda, Vittorio y Bruno.

Peleó en la Primera Guerra Mundial y tuvo un temprano cargo político (secretario de la Cámara de Trabajo de Trentino, en 1909). Fueron años de agitación y turbulencias que desembocaron en una voltereta ideológica que lo llevó de un extremo del arco político al otro, en 1921, cuando creó el Partido Fascista y resultó electo para ocupar una banca en el parlamento. Fue 1922 el año de su consagración, al ser designado primer ministro, y sus “camisas negras” marcharon sobre Roma.

Pronto contempló con agrado el crepitar de hogueras alimentadas con libros y con periódicos opositores.

El nuevo pontífice de la extrema ideología italiana sentenciaba por entonces en La Doctrina Fascista (Vallechi Editore Firenze, Florencia, 1935) que “todo permanece en el Estado y nada fuera de él”. ¿Y qué pensaba del periodismo? “La prensa es un elemento del régimen, una fuerza al servicio del Estado”, decretó.

Así, los que no supieron encolumnarse rápidamente fueron hostigados y presionados de distintas maneras, hasta que con la excusa de un atentado frustrado contra Mussolini, el Gran Consejo Fascista resolvió la suspensión, por tiempo indeterminado, de todas las publicaciones que no fueran totalmente favorables al régimen.

El silencio caracteriza a las dictaduras, pero en una dictadura encabezada por un ex periodista, rodeado de ex periodistas amigos, lo que imperó fue el parloteo, tan caro, por otra parte, a la idiosincrasia peninsular. Su menú era sencillo y no apto para estómagos delicados: malversación de la verdad, relectura constante de la historia y el presente en función de las necesidades del régimen en cada momento, aderezados por continuas consignas machacadas una y otra vez hasta el hartazgo para mantener en alto la “épica” discursiva del régimen.

“La prensa diaria -diagnostica Edward R. Tannenbaum en La experiencia fascista – fue el medio de comunicación más natural de los fascistas. En ninguna otra dictadura hubo tantos periodistas que hablaran tanto sobre tantas cosas. El Duce marcaba el tono del régimen con su continuo interés periodístico y este tono influía también en el Ministerio de Cultura Popular.”

Italiano hasta la médula, el fascismo lució siempre una exuberancia y desorden de los que careció el nazismo, su monolítico e implacable aliado.

“Goebbels y Rosenberg -agrega Tannenbaum- habían preparado listas negras de cientos de libros, obras teatrales, cuadros, películas y de sus creadores. En Italia, las listas negras y otras formas de control cultural no fueron tan amplias como en Alemania y nunca se cumplieron tan estrictamente. El régimen fascista permitió un limitado criticismo en cuestiones concretas, con una actitud política conocida posteriormente como «tolerancia represiva»”.

Mientras en Alemania un tercio de la prensa total fue absorbida por la maquinaria estatal; en Italia sólo lo fue en un diez por ciento. De todos modos, cualquier atisbo de crítica desapareció de la totalidad de la prensa después de 1926.

“La prensa más libre del mundo -se regodeaba Mussolini- es la prensa italiana. En otros países, los periódicos están a las órdenes de grupos plutócratas, de partidos, de individuos; en otras partes están reducidos a los bajos menesteres de la compra y venta de noticias excitantes, cuya lectura reiterada acaba por determinar en el público una especie de saturación estupefacta con síntomas de atonía e imbecibilidad; en otras partes, los diarios están reunidos en manos de poquísimos individuos, que consideran los periódicos como una verdadera industria, como la del hierro o la del acero. El periodismo italiano es libre porque sirve solamente a una causa y a un régimen; es libre porque dentro de las leyes puede ejercer y ejercita funciones de control, de crítica, de propulsión.”

En los tiempos en que el gran Consejo Fascista terminó destituyendo a Mussolini, en 1943, aquí en la Argentina los militares del Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU), que habían desalojado del poder a los conservadores del “fraude patriótico” dieron precisas instrucciones para que la caída del Duce fuera suministrada con cautela por los diarios y los informativos de la radio.

La creación, el 21 de octubre de 1943, de la Subsecretaría de Informaciones y Prensa seguirá el modelo italiano al centralizar y coordinar la información oficial y organizará, por primera vez de manera sistemática y persistente, la propaganda estatal. Tres años más tarde, capitalizará ese esquema Juan Domingo Perón, quien, en 1939, enviado a Europa en misión de estudio, había asistido a cursos en Italia donde quedó muy impresionado con la experiencia fascista.

El 27 de marzo de 1945, un mes antes del fusilamiento de Mussolini por los partisanos y del suicidio de Hitler, en su búnker, cuando los soviéticos ya estaban a las puertas de Berlín, la dictadura militar argentina le declaraba la guerra al Eje, en reacción tardía. La semilla fascista, de todos modos, terminaría germinando nuevamente.

© LA NACION

En: lanacion.com.ar 

Make “América” great again (toda)

Siempre la misma discusión acerca del término “America” para los estadounidenses y “América” para los latinoamericanos. Para los primeros es la denominación informal de su país ya que no andan diciendo “I’m from the United States of America”..muy largo, y como tienen fama de prácticos, pues la cortaron solo a “America”: “I’m an American”. Mientras que para los segundos, es la denominación de todo el continente en que se localizan 35 países (incluye Canadá y Estados Unidos de Norteamérica).

Ya que ahora Trump mediante una retórica nacionalista se apropió del término para su campaña política, cerveza Corona emerge con la mejor respuesta al sujeto que, como de broma, salió elegido presidente del país norteño. Hagamos (toda) América grande de nuevo!

https://youtu.be/SuLEu-nwd50

Por su parte, la otra “America”, la de Trump, apela a un argumento populista y victimizador que siempre ha funcionado en política. Ahora saben por qué ganó (aparte del Colegio Electoral):

 

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