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Attorney General: Charles Joseph Bonaparte

“To have a popular government we must, first of all, and before all else, have good citizens.”
—Charles Joseph Bonaparte

chas.bonaparte

Charles Joseph Bonaparte – Forty-Sixth Attorney General 1906-1909

Charles Joseph Bonaparte was born in Baltimore, Maryland, on June 9, 1851. He graduated from Harvard College in 1871 and from Harvard Law School in 1874. He was admitted to the Maryland bar. Bonaparte was appointed a member of the Board of Indian Commissioners in 1902. For a number of years he was a member of the Board of Overseers of Harvard College, and was one of the organizers and president of the National Municipal League. For several years he was chairman of the Council of the National Civil Service Reform League. Bonaparte was a presidential elector for Maryland on the Republican ticket in 1904, the only Republican elected. On July 1, 1905, he was appointed Secretary of the Navy. President Roosevelt appointed him Attorney General of the United States on December 17, 1906, which office he held until March 4, 1909. He died at his estate, Bella Vista, near Baltimore, on June 28, 1921.

Updated November 4, 2014

In: justice.gov

Bonaparte was born in Baltimore, Maryland on June 9, 1851, the son of Jerome (“Bo”) Napoleon Bonaparte, (1805–1870) and Susan May Williams (1812–1881), from whom the American line of the Bonaparte family descended, and a grandson of Jérôme Bonaparte, the youngest brother of French Emperor Napoleon I and King of Westphalia, 1807–1813. However, the American Bonapartes were not considered part of the dynasty and never used any titles.

In: wikipedia

Charles Joseph Bonaparte, who served as U.S. attorney general under president theodore roosevelt, was one of the organizers of the Civic Reform League and the National Municipal League, and he helped to found a Special Agents Force within the justice department that was the forerunner of the federal bureau of investigation (FBI).

A grandson of Jerome Bonaparte, who was Napoleon’s youngest brother, Charles Joseph Bonaparte was born in Baltimore, Maryland, on July 9, 1851. After graduating from Harvard College in 1871, he attended Harvard Law School, graduating in 1874. Bonaparte returned to Baltimore and established a private practice. At the time, public corruption of elected officials was widespread in the United States and the political situation in Maryland was considered to be the worst in the country. Bonaparte, of Italian-American descent, became interested in civic reform, commenting in an article published in Forum magazine that the politicians of that period if not technically criminals themselves, were the “allies and patrons of habitual lawbreakers.”

Read more at: encyclopedia.com

Family Sues Apple, Claiming FaceTime Distracted Driver in Crash That Killed 5-Year-Old Daughter

https://youtu.be/ETdtVwSNHDQ

A Texas couple is suing Apple, claiming that its FaceTime app distracted a driver who rammed into the couple’s car, killing their 5-year-old daughter.

Parents James and Bethany Modisette are suing Apple for damages on the basis that the electronics giant failed to install and implement a “safer, alternative design” for FaceTime that would have helped to prevent a driver from using the app while traveling at highway speed, court documents show.

The lawsuit filed Dec. 23 in California Superior Court in Santa Clara County also claims that Apple failed “to warn users that the product was likely to be dangerous when used or misused” or to instruct on its safe usage.

The fatal accident occurred Christmas Eve in 2014 near Dallas, when, according to the lawsuit, the Modisette family was driving in a Toyota Camry, with daughter Moriah, 5, in a booster seat in the left rear passenger seat and her sister, Isabella, next to her in the right rear seat.

The Modisettes had slowed or stopped their car due to police activity ahead of them on the highway that had caused traffic to back up, according to the suit.

Another driver, Garrett Wilhelm, traveling in his Toyota 4Runner in the same direction and behind the Modisette car, allegedly had his attention diverted by his use of the FaceTime app, the suit says.

“As a result of that distraction, his Toyota 4Runner, while traveling at full highway speed (65 mph), struck the Modisette family car from behind, causing it to be propelled forward, rotate, and come to a final rest at an angle facing the wrong direction in the right lane of traffic,” the suit says.

Wilhelm’s car then “continued its trajectory by rolling up and over the driver’s side of the Modisette car,” the suit claims.

The crash caused extensive damage to the driver’s side of the Modisettes’ car, and rescue workers had to extract both the father and 5-year-old Moriah from the car, the suit says.

The father was in critical condition after the crash while the mother and daughter Isabella were taken to a regional medical center to be treated for injuries. Moriah was airlifted to the area children’s hospital where she later died from her injuries, according to the suit.

“Wilhelm told police at the scene that he was using FaceTime on his iPhone at the time of the crash, and the police located his iPhone at the crash scene with the FaceTime application still active,” the suit claims.

The Modisettes contend in their suit that, “At the time of the collision in question, the iPhone utilized by Wilhelm contained the necessary hardware (to be configured with software) to automatically disable or ‘lock-out’ the ability to use [FaceTime] … However, Apple failed to configure the iPhone to automatically ‘lock-out’ the ability to utilize ‘FaceTime’ while driving at highway speeds, despite having the technical capability to do so.”

Wilhelm was indicted on manslaughter charges by a grand jury in Denton County, Texas, according to the Denton Record-Chronicle. He has been out of jail on bail since August, and a jury trial in the case is scheduled for Feb. 27, the Record-Chronicle reports.

Wilhelm’s lawyer, Ricky Perritt, issued the follow statement: “The Wilhelm family offers their thoughts and prayers for the family of the young lady who lost her life in this tragic accident. We are confident that after all the facts are brought out in Court, it will be shown that the use of a cellular device did not contribute and Mr. Wilhelm did not commit a crime … it was simply an accident.”

ABC News reached out to Apple but did not receive a comment on the case.

In: abc

I ‘Went Back to China’ — and Felt More American Than Ever

Six years in Hong Kong showed me how deep racism runs in Asia’s world city.

BY CRYSTAL CHEN / OCTOBER 21, 2016

On Oct. 9, New York Times metro reporter Michael Luo revealed that he and his family had been subject to a racist outburst on the streets of New York City’s posh Upper East Side. Readers, especially of Asian descent, were quick to volunteer their own stories in the aftermath, showing that while racism against Asians is not always in the U.S. public eye, it is widespread. I’d like to address this article to the woman who told the U.S.-born Luo — and to all those who may have harbored similar sentiments at one point or another — to “go back to China.”

My parents left China in the wake of Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution to seek refuge in American higher education in the 1970s, eventually becoming entrepreneurs. I was born in Ohio, raised in Nebraska and California, and attended Yale University in Connecticut. Six years before that woman on the streets of New York told Luo to go back to China, I had already done so. After graduating college, I moved to Hong Kong, a port city that has been the West’s gateway to China since the mid-1800s.

I believed the city, a place brutalized and molded by colonial forces before its return to China in 1997, was somehow like me: an East-meets-West pastiche. I also believed that Hong Kong, more multicultural, global, and outward-looking than any mainland city, was likely to be the most racially enlightened. But after more than six years of living and working there, I would learn just how racially progressive the United States was by comparison. It’s not just because anyone can speak up and defend themselves, but because doing so is embedded in our culture.

Growing up in Nebraska, I was “ching-chong’d” in school and asked why my eyes were so small. Later on, popular kids would compel me to do their homework with overtures of friendship, only to ignore me at recess. Even in relatively liberal California, I was bullied and shut out by the girls in my all-white Girl Scout troop. My early life in white, Christian America impressed upon me the notion that my real home, my real friends, was where my parents had left it — back in China.

In college, I devoted myself to the notion. I holed myself up exclusively in Asian cultural clubs and worked to beef up my half-hearted, lisping Mandarin Chinese. I took classes in Chinese philosophy, sociology, and politics. Internships in Beijing and Shanghai and travels around the mainland gave me a glimpse of what my new home would be like. After graduation, I secured a job in Hong Kong.

My mother, who had moved from Shanghai to Hong Kong to the United States, was distraught: “Why do you want to go back there?”

But much, I insisted, had changed. The mainland wasn’t the Mao-era hot mess she’d left behind; the 2008 Beijing Olympics painted a glorious image of a new Middle Kingdom, and Lehman Brothers’ collapse that same summer foretold an ominous future for the United States. Out in the dizzying economic rise of the Wild Wild East, opportunities abounded for those willing to work in a globalizing China, particularly in Hong Kong, which billed itself as “Asia’s world city” and was also deepening ties with the mainland.

What I didn’t tell my mother was that my desire to leave was primarily motivated by the possibility of escaping the unfriendly U.S. racial climate. In Asia, I wouldn’t have to deal with being “Asian.” I wouldn’t be a minority, much less a model one. For once, I was certain, my race wouldn’t matter.

I moved to Hong Kong in 2010 to work for a multinational education company and cast myself with a privileged lot of expatriates, or huayi — ethnic Chinese who have grown up abroad. It was deeply comforting to be surrounded by people who looked like me. And because I spoke perfect English and had attended an Ivy League university, my social currency in status-conscious Hong Kong went further than most. I was not just able to “blend in” — I was privileged. I was heard, respected, and invited to glittering parties. Those first years in Hong Kong were beautiful and easy.

But eventually my conscience began to gnaw at me. At work, invisible walls divided colleagues by skin color. White managers who had worked all their lives in Asia sometimes looked surprised when I spoke up in perfect English to volunteer my opinion — a small thing, but revealing. A few seats away from my desk sat Filipino colleagues, often ignored or greeted with terse, awkward smiles when they tried to make conversation. I saw a Pakistani colleague of mine held at arm’s length during team happy hours, lonesome with his glass of wine while his colleagues buzzed around him. A Sri Lankan friend of mine working in investment banking cried when she was passed over for a raise once again.

The city’s thorny relationship with race was even more obvious outside of work. I remember dining with an Indian companion and being thoroughly ignored by the waitstaff, even beyond the standards of usually brusque Hong Kong service. Locals regularly complained to me about being paid less than their expat counterparts. And on the streets, images of hapa women, men, and babies — half white, half Asian — were featured prominently on billboard ads, the city’s aspiration to whiteness hiding in plain sight.

Hong Kong is also home to hundreds of thousands of Filipino and Indonesian domestic workers — 320,000, as of 2013. On Sundays, their day off, Hong Kong’s otherwise mostly hidden domestic helpers swarm public parks, much to the chagrin of locals who I’d hear complain of what they saw as their parks being “overrun.” Workers who have served Hong Kong families loyally for decades cannot become permanent residents, dependent instead on a work visa that could be stripped from them at any moment. The 2016 Global Slavery Index — compiled by the Australia-based nonprofit Walk Free Foundation, which tracks government action on forced labor, human trafficking, and other conditions of modern slavery — ranked Hong Kong’s government in the bottom 5 percent worldwide. Reports surface regularly about domestic workers being beaten or sexually abused by their employers. These people served me cocktails, cooked the food I ate, bussed my plates without a sound, painted my nails, massaged me, and cleaned my apartment. “That’s just capitalism,” my erudite friends would say, but I couldn’t shake the truth that my privilege floated on cheap Southeast Asian labor and the diminished social position they occupied.

With each year that passed, I became increasingly aware of the morally fragile foundations of the lifestyle I enjoyed. I had believed that spiriting myself to Hong Kong would mean that I wouldn’t have to face racial discrimination anymore. Bewitched by the possibility of transcending the racial totem pole, I only later realized that I had merely relocated to the top, and the view wasn’t what I expected. Being brought up in the United States meant my standards for racial equality were forged in a culture built around the dissent, dialogue, and disruption that the First Amendment vouchsafes.

It was only after six years in Hong Kong that I began to understand why people leave their countries to come to the United States and why it’s so difficult to repatriate. You can’t unlearn what you’ve learned or unsee what you’ve seen. Neither could I unlearn the promises of equality that I’d repeated every time I took the Pledge of Allegiance.

I had been running away for a long time. I had run away from being a “victim” of American racism to become part of the perpetrating class in Hong Kong. I had hid from the yellow face in the mirror and pretended, with my perfect English and my elite education, that I was someone else. I had tried to “go back to China,” only to find myself more American than I’d realized. But I’m not running away anymore. I’ve found that my “home” isn’t limited to a physical place. It’s not in Hong Kong, China, or the United States. It’s in the people I love and the work that needs doing. It’s in the values I hold that grow and change over time.

So, to all those who have ever wanted people like me to “go back” to China: My home is on a bridge as short as a hyphen and as wide as the Pacific Ocean. My home is an in-between place, as it is for all Americans who remember their roots, their history, and the journey that got them here. My home is a compromise, a discussion, a negotiation.

In: foreignpolicy 

North Carolina is no longer classified as a democracy

Britain’s Prince Charles Says Anti-Immigrant Populism Echoes Nazis

LONDON — The heir to Britain’s throne spoke out Thursday, saying the wave of anti-immigrant populism sweeping the world has “deeply disturbing echoes” of the Nazis’ persecution of Jews in the 1930s.

Prince Charles, the queen’s eldest son, said his parents’ generation “fought and died in a battle against intolerance, monstrous extremism and an inhuman attempt to exterminate the Jewish population of Europe.

“That nearly 70 years later we should still be seeing such evil persecution is to me beyond all belief,” he added. “We owe it to those who suffered and died so horribly not to repeat the horrors of the past.”

He made the comments as a guest contributor on “Thought for the Day,” a scripted monologue broadcast each morning during BBC Radio 4’s breakfast news show, “Today.”

The prince was urging listeners to be more compassionate about migrants and refugees. Some 65.3 million people across the world have been forced to leave their homes, according to the United Nations.

“We are now seeing the rise of many populist groups across the world that are increasingly aggressive to those who adhere to a minority faith,” Charles said. “All of this has deeply disturbing echoes of the dark days of the 1930s.”

Image: Prince Charles

Prince Charles gives a speech in London on December 14. REX/Shutterstock / Shutterstock

The prince did not cite any politician or party but his comments apparently refer to the wave of anti-immigrant populism linked to the victories of Donald Trump and Britain’s Brexit campaign.

These election wins have emboldened far-right groups across Europe, some of whom are now eyeing success in other elections. In England and Wales, incidents of religious or racist abuse rose 41 percent in the month after the Breixt vote in June, according to government figures.

Charles also linked the refugee crisis to Christianity and Islam.

“I wonder if this year we might remember how the story of the Nativity unfolds with the fleeing of the holy family to escape violent persecution,” he said. “And we might also remember that when the prophet Muhammad migrated from Mecca to Medina, he did so because he too was seeking the freedom for himself and his followers to worship.”

In: nbc 

Lescano: “Una generación sin porno se va a dedicar más al deporte y al estudio”

El congresista de Acción Popular explicó a RPP Web todo sobre el proyecto de Ley para suspender el contenido pornográfico en internet.

De aprobarse este Proyecto de Ley solo forjará futuros expertos en ingeniería de sistemas, hackers y crackers improvisados en el Perú.

De aprobarse este Proyecto de Ley solo forjará futuros expertos en ingeniería de sistemas, hackers y crackers improvisados en el Perú.

Del Congreso de la República depende el destino de las páginas pornográficas en el Perú. El proyecto de Ley que presentó el legislador Yonhy Lescano (Acción Popular) busca limitar el contenido para adultos en las páginas para que ni chicos ni adultos puedan tener acceso a él

Aunque todavía no ha pasado a las comisiones congresales para que sea evaluado y votado, la iniciativa ya ha generado reacciones diversas en Facebook y Twitter. Que es decisión de cada uno, que corta las libertades. Los argumentos en contra son diversos. Lescano conversó con RPP Web sobre su proyecto y explicó el motivo que lo llevó a presentarlo.

“Una generación sin pornografía se va a dedicar más al deporte y al estudio. La pornografía produce adicción y distorsiona la conducta sexual de las personas, están estimulados (por lo que ven) y así van a violar a niños o mujeres”, dijo el legislador.

Los antecedentes. Tomó como ejemplo los casos de Corea del Sur y el Reino Unido. En el primer país, la restricción a este tipo de páginas es total, incluso Lescano comentó que en una visita pudo comprobar que esto se cumple estrictamente. Intentó ingresar a una de estas páginas y no tuvo éxito. “El sistema funciona muy bien allá”, dice.

En el segundo país las restricciones son parciales. Sin embargo el Congreso ha cerrado cada vez más el cerco a la industria en tema de contenidos y de inscripciones. Estos son los principales ejemplos del acciopopulista para crear el proyecto en el Perú.

“En otros países pasa, donde se ha impulsado la educación hay un mejor nivel educativo. Se ha prohibído estas páginas para evitar delitos sexuales y se ha conseguido, en Corea del Sur por ejemplo. Pensamos que esto es importante para evitar delitos sexuales”, dice.

Presentó el proyecto que creó con el apoyo de sus colegas de bancada que están de acuerdo con la medida. Sobre las voces críticas que aluden a una distorsión en las libertades, el legislador responde tajantemente: “La libertad debemos canalizarla adecuadamente. (El porno) La distorsiona, tiene más efectos negativos. ¿Qué cosa que tenga que ver con el interés público tiene la pornografía?, ¿Qué libertad se corta?, absolutamente nada”, comenta con voz enérgica.

¿Recorte de libertades?

No hay comparación entre la internet y el contenido televisivo, al menos en este caso para Lescano. “La pornografía es pornografía, no se puede comparar con los contenidos televisivos. En otros países los chicos tienen primer nivel porque no los envenenan con estos contenidos. Somos muy permisivos en aras de la llamada libertad, yo creo que es una distorsión de la libertad”.

Ahora la pelota rodará en el campo de las comisiones de Educación y Transporte, donde será probablemente discutido este proyecto, informó a RPP Web el congresista. Si es aprobado, irá al Pleno donde deberá ser refrendado por la mayoría. Entonces la realidad de un país sin pornografía sería realidad.

El siguiente paso sería ordenar a las empresas de comunicaciones a que bloqueen los contenidos. Y luego, la reglamentación para que los infractores cumplan una pena y para que no se le saque la vuelta a la ley. “Las empresas tienen que cumplir las medidas. Veo como padre y político que esto (el contenido porno) no nos trae nada bueno, hay que preguntarle a los papás y las mamás si están de acuerdo”, aseguró.

El congresista sabe que se acercan días de intenso debate, el mismo que ya empezó en las redes y que continuará por varios días más.

En: rpp

Proyecto de Ley aquí: PL-00825-2016-1221

Proyecto de Ley en página del Congreso de la República del Perú

South Carolina lawmakers propose pornography block on new computers

State Rep. Bill Chumley, R-Spartanburg, said the Human Trafficking Prevention Act would require manufacturers or sellers to install digital blocking capabilities on computers and other devices that access the internet to prevent the viewing of obscene content.

Representative William M. "Bill" Chumley. In: www.scstatehouse.gov

Bill sponsor: Representative William M. “Bill” Chumley. In: www.scstatehouse.gov

By Brendan O’Brien

Computers and devices sold in South Carolina that can access the internet would be required to have filters installed to prevent people from viewing pornography, although buyers could pay a $20 fee to remove the blocking software under a proposal before the legislature.

The amendment would require manufacturers or sellers of computers and internet-accessible devices to install software that blocks pornography, according to a draft of the amendment filed with the South Carolina General Assembly on Dec. 15.

One of its sponsors said on Tuesday the amendment would help raise money for the state’s task force to combat human trafficking, adding that the measure would not restrict their legal liberties, indicating it would allow for viewing adult pornography.

“This is a way to preserve freedom, not raise taxes and combat a serious problem all in one,” State Representative William “Bill” Chumley, a Republican, said in an interview.

Buyers over 18 in South Carolina would have to pay a $20 fee to have the block removed. Manufacturers or sellers would pay a $20 opt-out fee for each computer or device sold so they didn’t have to install the blocking software, according to the proposed measure.

The amendment did not address any technology challenges or whether the filter would be a barrier to interstate commerce for technology firms that sell their devices nationwide.

There was no timetable for debate and a possible vote. Chumley has told local media that he sees the amendment as a starting point for debate and that the proposal he co-sponsored may be adjusted.

The amendment corresponds with the Republican Party’s national platform that calls for states to get tough on pornography, adding that the internet has become a safe haven for predators.

“Pornography, with its harmful effects, especially on children, has become a public health crisis that is destroying the lives of millions,” the GOP said in its platform. “We urge energetic prosecution of child pornography, which is closely linked to human trafficking.”

In April, a Republican-backed resolution in Utah declared pornography a public health hazard and an epidemic that normalizes violence against women and children and makes men less likely to want to get married.

(Reporting by Brendan O’Brien in Milwaukee; Additional reporting by Jon Herskovitz in Austin, Texas; Editing by Jeffrey Benkoe)

In: reuters 

See: South Carolina statehouse profile – Representative William M. “Bill” Chumley 

La justicia francesa declara culpable de “negligencia” a Lagarde pero la exime de pena

EFE. 19.12.2016 – 15:35h

La directora-gerente del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), Christine Lagarde, ha sido hallada este lunes culpable de “negligencia” en el ejercicio de sus funciones cuando era ministra francesa de Economía por el Tribunal de Justicia de la República, aunque ha sido dispensada de cumplir pena.

Lagarde se enfrentaba a la posibilidad de ser condenada a un año de prisión y a una multa de 15.000 euros, aunque el fiscal había solicitado su absolución. Lagarde no asistió a la lectura del veredicto en París y, según sus abogados, se halla en Washington, sede del organismo que dirige desde 2011.

Por su parte el FMI anunció tras conocer la noticia una reunión de su Directorio Ejecutivo para “analizar los acontecimientos más recientes”. “El Directorio Ejecutivo se ha reunido en ocasiones anteriores para considerar los acontecimientos relacionados con el proceso judicial de Francia”, recordó en un escueto comunicado el director de comunicaciones del FMI, Gerry Rice, quien agregó que “se prevé” que este órgano “volverá a reunirse próximamente para analizar los acontecimientos más recientes”.

La inesperada condena de Lagarde abre las dudas sobre su continuidad al frente de la institución multilateral. Los tres magistrados y 12 parlamentarios que componen la corte consideraron que Lagarde debió recurrir la atribución de una multimillonaria indemnización al empresario Bernard Tapie en 2008 y que fue “negligente” no hacerlo.

La entonces ministra de Economía y Finanzas había decidido que fuera un arbitraje privado quien decidiera esa indemnización por la venta de la marca deportiva Adidas, que había sido previamente confiscada por la justicia francesa. Los tres árbitros decidieron que el erario público desembolsara más de 400 millones de euros, 45 millones de ellos en concepto de daño moral a Tapie.

La condena no figurará entre sus antecedentes

La sentencia del Tribunal de Justicia de la República, una instancia especial para juzgar a ministros y exministros por delitos cometidos en el ejercicio de sus funciones, encuentra negligente que Lagarde se negara a recurrir esa indemnización “para evitar consecuencias tan nefastas” para las arcas del Estado.

Según el veredicto, Lagarde no escuchó a los miembros de sus servicios que le aconsejaban apelar, lo que habría dejado al Estado en una situación más favorable para negociar con Tapie la indemnización.

Sin embargo, a la luz de la “personalidad” y la “reputación internacional” de Lagarde, los jueces decidieron no imponerle ninguna pena y que la condena no figure en su ficha de antecedentes judiciales, pese a que el delito que le imputaban puede ser condenado hasta con un año de prisión exento de cumplimiento y 15.000 euros de multa.

A eso se aferró su abogado, Patrick Maisonneuve, quien señaló en declaraciones a la prensa que el tribunal no le ha impuesto pena alguna a su clienta. El letrado agregó además que estudiarán la posibilidad de recurrir la sentencia ante el Tribunal Supremo.

Lagarde fue ratificada al frente del FMI este mismo año para prolongar su mandato en el período 2016-2021, después de que no se presentasen rivales en el proceso de selección y por contar con el respaldo de la mayoría de los miembros de la institución, lo que preveía una nueva etapa de estabilidad en el organismo.

Con la condena en Francia, el caso de Lagarde se aproxima al de los anteriores directores gerentes del organismo, Rodrigo Rato (2004-2007) y Dominique Strauss-Kahn (2007-2011), que tuvieron que dejar el cargo antes de cumplir los cinco años preceptivos.

En: 20minutos.es

Is Pornography The Same As Prostitution? A New York Judge Says “No,” But the Answer Is Less Clear

By SHERRY F. COLB
Wednesday, Aug. 10, 2005

Jenny Paulino stands accused of running a prostitution ring on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. Among other defense arguments, Paulino moved to dismiss the case on Equal Protection grounds. She claimed that the Manhattan District Attorney’s office selectively targets “escort services” for prosecution, while ignoring distributors of adult films, who are engaged in what is essentially the same activity.

Justice Budd G. Goodman recently issued a ruling rejecting Paulino’s claim, on the ground that pornography does not qualify as prostitution under the relevant New York statute. “[P]rostitution,” said Justice Goodman, “is and has always been intuitively defined as a bilateral exchange between a prostitute and a client.” Therefore, the judge explained, the District Attorney’s office has not ignored one form of prostitution and pursued another, within the meaning of the law.

Though the Equal Protection argument may be weak as a matter of statutory interpretation, the distinction between prostitution and pornography is not nearly as clear as Justice Goodman suggests.

What Is Prostitution?

As Justice Goodman asserts, most of us typically think of prostitution as involving a customer who pays a prostitute for providing sexual services to that customer. We intuit that pornography, by contrast, involves a customer paying an actor for providing sexual services to another actor.

In other words, prostitution is generally understood as the bilateral trading of sex for money, while pornography involves the customer of an adult film paying money to watch other people have sex with each other, while receiving no sexual favors himself in return for his money.

In keeping with this distinction, notes Justice Goodman, “the pornographic motion picture industry has flourished without prosecution since its infancy.” The failure of the New York legislature to do anything about this state of affairs, moreover, further demonstrates that New York’s prostitution statute was never intended to encompass pornography.

Is It Sensible To Exclude Pornography From Laws Against Prostitution?

Justice Goodman may be correct about the statute in question, although the statutory language does not help his position.

New York Penal Law defines a prostitute as a person “who engages or agrees or offers to engage in sexual conduct with another person in return for a fee.” A pornographic actor does just that: Like a more typical prostitute, he or she engages in sex in return for a fee.

Still, as Justice Goodman points out, traditional interpretations of the word “prostitute” narrow the literal definition to exempt pornography.

But that leads to another question: Does the pornography exemption make sense?

Stated differently, the District Attorney’s office has perhaps correctly divined the legislative intent behind the statute at issue, but there might nonetheless be something fundamentally unfair about exempting distributors of nonobscene pornography from the vice laws.

To appreciate the unfairness, let us examine some of the arguments for this distinction.

Free Speech: One Possible Distinction Between Prostitution and Pornography

Most distributors of pornography would express shock at the prospect of being prosecuted for promoting prostitution. Under Miller v. California, as long as a work, taken as a whole, has “serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value,” the First Amendment protects its distribution. Given this legal principle, how could pornography be criminal, in the way that prostitution is?

One might begin to formulate an answer in the following way. The process of filming and distributing pornography is indeed considered protected speech, under the Supreme Court’s First Amendment precedents. However, the First Amendment does not insulate the commission of crime from prosecution just because someone with a camera records the crime and intends to sell that recording to customers.

In keeping with this portrayal, one could reasonably characterize pornography as the payment of prostitutes for having sex in front of a camera. Though the film itself might be protected by the First Amendment, it could nonetheless constitute evidence of paid-for sexual encounters — that is, evidence of prostitution — if a statute were designed to extend to that sort of prostitution.

For clarification, let us take an example from another area of criminal law. Doug the drug-dealer sells Carl the customer eight ounces of marijuana. Both Doug and Carl are guilty of (different) criminal acts for having engaged in this illicit transaction. Assume that there is an audience for such transactions on reality television (all rights reserved). In anticipation of this audience, Fiona the filmmaker pays Doug and Carl to permit her to tape them carrying out their business.

Has Fiona done anything illegal? No, but neither has her First-Amendment-protected act of filming and distributing her recording altered the illegal character of Doug’s and Carl’s conduct. Doug and Carl may still be prosecuted for engaging in a drug transaction, despite the fact that Fiona may not be prosecuted for taping it or showing the tape.

Furthermore, Fiona’s tape may be subpoenaed and used by the District Attorney’s office as evidence of the drug transactions charged against Doug and Carl.

Some Possible Differences Between Filming Drug-Dealing, and Filming Pornography

To be sure, there are some differences between Fiona and the pornography distributor, which might translate into differences between pornographic actors, on the one hand, and Doug and Carl, on the other.

In our example, Doug and Carl have engaged in a drug transaction, and the only element that Fiona has added to the mix is her filming of that transaction. In the case of pornography, however, the actors having sex are doing so precisely because they are being filmed. The taping, in other words, is not just “evidence” of their having sex; it is the entire point of that sex. In pornography, then, the recording is an integral, rather than a peripheral, part of the transaction.

What this means is that unlike Doug and Carl, the people who have sex for the camera are actors, and acting — unlike drug-dealing or prostitution — is part of what falls within the protection of the First Amendment.

A better analogy to pornography might therefore be a film-maker paying Doug and Carl to act as though they are dealing drugs for the camera when in fact they are not. In such a case, of course, there would be no grounds for prosecuting the two men.

Not So Fast: Does the Pornographic Actor/Prostitute Distinction Really Work?

The distinction between pornography and prostitution is not, however, quite so straightforward as the latter analogy suggests. A couple having actual sex for the camera — let’s call the people Jason and June — is different from Doug and Carl pretending to deal drugs. Doug and Carl really are just acting, but having intercourse is not just acting — it is also bona fide sex.

That is what distinguishes a pornographic film from a film in which people pretend that they’re having sex when they are not. In that sense, the reality TV example of Doug and Carl may be more like adult film than it initially appeared to be. Doug and Carl truly are dealing drugs and there is also filming going on, just as Jason and June really are having sex and there is also filming going on.

Why Real Sex is Not Like Acting, From the Law’s Point of View

But why should the distinction between pretending to have sex, and actually having it, make a difference, from a legal standpoint?

The sex act is a legally significant event. If it occurs without consent, it is rape. If it takes place between a married person and a third party, it is adultery. If it occurs and leads to the birth of a child, then the man is legally responsible for that child until the age of 18. And if it happens in exchange for a fee, then it is prostitution.

Pretending to have sex, however, for a camera or in private, triggers none of these legal consequences and can therefore be characterized as mere acting.

Who Is Paying Whom and Should It Matter?

When pornography is correctly understood as involving real sex, the question in comparing pornography to prostitution becomes whether who is paying whom matters (or should matter) to the law. That is, should it make a difference whether Jason pays June to have sex with Jason or whether, instead, Filmore (the filmmaker) pays June to have sex with Jason?

If these two scenarios seem functionally equivalent, then there may be something seriously wrong with our laws.

Consider the following example. Jason has just turned 21, and he is a virgin. His uncle Lecher believes that Jason should have some experience with sex before he finishes college, so Lecher pays June (a family friend) to have sex with Jason. Jason happily accepts this gift, and June carries out her side of the deal.

It does seem that in this example, prostitution has taken place. The payor may not be the same person as the recipient of sexual services, but so what? In all relevant respects, this transaction appears to fall within any reasonable definition of prostitution, with June in the role of prostitute and either Lecher or Jason or both (depending on the state of mind of each of them with respect to the quid pro quo) in the role of customer. Justice Goodman’s emphasis on the bilateral nature of prostitution no longer seems well-placed.

How are Adult Films Different?

If it “intuitively” seems like prostitution even when a third party pays someone to have sex with another third party, then what makes adult films so different? Is it the fact that Uncle Lecher is not seeking his own sexual gratification (in the way that a customer of pornography is) but someone else’s (Jason’s)? If so, then assume that Uncle Lecher wants to watch June and Jason having sex. That added feature hardly seems to mitigate the character of the act as prostitution.

Is the important difference instead the fact that Jason, the college student, is seeking sexual gratification from June, the prostitute, while neither Jason the porn star nor June the porn star are seeking sexual gratification for themselves? If that matters, then assume that Jason the porn star loves his work (and could be earning a lot more as a regular actor), so he is as interested in sexual gratification as Jason the college student is.

On these facts, in both pornography and conventional prostitution, people are having sex with other people as a condition of getting paid, and someone seeking sexual gratification but not money is ultimately driving the demand for the activity (the customer of the prostitute, in one case, and the future viewer of the pornography, on the other).

The First Amendment Returns: Why the Court Protects Pornographic Films

Having said all of this, it is nonetheless almost certain that on its current precedents, the U.S. Supreme Court would hold that garden-variety pornographic actors are indeed engaged in First-Amendment-protected activity, so long asobscenity – as defined by the Miller test, quoted in part above — is not involved. Odd as it may seem, what appears finally to make all of the difference is the mode of gratification for the person who is paying but not himself seeking money.

The ultimate demand for pornography comes from the viewer of pornography, and what excites him is the watching of the adult film, rather than any physical act performed on him by another person. The “enjoyment” of pornography is therefore as “speech,” rather than as action.

Though real sex occurred in the making of the pornographic film, this fact is only relevant insofar as it is known (or believed) by the viewer. If, for example, the entire film were created with highly realistic computer graphics, but the viewer believed that what he saw was real, then he would enjoy the material just as much.

Because the impact of pornography occurs through the mediation of an audience witnessing a performance, rather than an audience receiving physical services from a performer, pornography and its making qualify as First-Amendment protected speech.

Does this make sense? Consider again the significance of the sexual act: legal consequences can follow from it and it can, accordingly, be regulated by the law in a variety of ways. Though two people may very much want to have sex with each other in private, the law can intervene to say that they cannot, just because one of them seeks money and the other gratification, for example.

If, however, both members of the couple are in it for the money, and there is a man with a camera taping them so that millions of people can buy or rent the tape and masturbate to it, then the sex is insulated by the Constitution from legal regulation.

That is in fact the law, but Jenny Paulino can hardly be faulted for calling it arbitrary.

Sherry F. Colb, a FindLaw columnist, is Professor and Frederick B. Lacey Scholar at Rutgers Law School in Newark. Her columns on criminal law and procedure, among other subjects, may be found in the archive of her work on this site.

In: findlaw

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