Nissan Workers in Mississippi Reject Union Bid by U.A.W.

Campaigning in a union election at a Nissan plant in Canton, Miss., where a large majority of workers are African-American, took on racial overtones. Credit Bryan Schutmaat for The New York Times

In a test of labor’s ability to expand its reach in the South, workers at a Nissan plant in Mississippi have overwhelmingly rejected a bid to unionize.

Out of roughly 3,500 employees at the Canton-based plant who voted Thursday and Friday, more than 60 percent opposed the union. It was an emphatic coda to a yearslong organizing effort underwritten by the United Automobile Workers, which has been repeatedly frustrated in its efforts to organize major auto plants in the region.

The election campaign at the plant, where a large majority of workers are African-American, frequently took on racial overtones. Some employees alleged that white supervisors dispensed special treatment to white subordinates, a charge the company emphatically denied.

For their part, anti-union workers highlighted the U.A.W.’s contributions to local civil rights and religious groups, accusing the union of seeking to buy support in the African-American community.

In the end, though, basic economics combined with a fear of change may have carried the day. Veteran workers at the plant make about $26 per hour, typically only a few dollars less than veteran workers represented by the union at the major American automakers, and well above the median wage in Mississippi.

Nissan also pays a roughly similar percentage of employees’ incomes into their retirement accounts as do the Michigan automakers.

Before coming to Nissan more than 14 years ago, “I didn’t have a 401(k), I had one week of vacation,” said Marvin Cooke, a Nissan paint technician who was previously an assistant manager at a Shoney’s restaurant. “Now, I have four weeks’ vacation. I’m off on every holiday. Nissan has provided a great living for me.”

Mr. Cooke voted against the union.

While a significant number of workers at the plant, which has a total work force of nearly 6,500, are contract workers who earn lower wages than employees, they were not eligible to vote in the union election.

Publicly, Nissan emphasized how the plant was an economic lifeline for workers in the area, including one commercial in which a Mississippi pastor described how people were “fluctuating back and forth looking for jobs” before the plant arrived, but could now “come through the door knowing the lights are on, the water is running.”

The message resonated with many workers, although some found it condescending. “They were telling African-Americans look what they provided for us, but I had a job before I came to Nissan,” said David Brown, who was undecided the week before the vote but ended up supporting the union. “I had a house already, had cars already. Nissan didn’t provide me with it.”

In meetings between management and workers, and in a video featuring the plant’s top official, Nissan was more menacing, suggesting that a union would put workers’ jobs at risk.

“They’ve come out with some of the nastiest, most unprecedented attacks I’ve seen in the 20 years I’ve been doing this,” said Gary Casteel, the second-ranking official at the U.A.W. “This issue of threatening to close a facility is the worst threat you can put toward an employee.”

At one point leading up to the vote, managers delivered a slide presentation warning that in the event of a strike, most employees who walked out would not be guaranteed jobs afterward. Many workers appeared to find the presentation alarming, even though strikes are rare in the industry and replacing production workers could be difficult.

Another manager emphasized in a meeting that Nissan could decide not to automatically deduct workers’ union dues, in which case the union would end up sending workers a regular “bill.”

“It was just to deter people from joining, was what I’m getting out of it,” said Earnestine Mayes, a union supporter. “No one wants to sit there and pay that bill every week.”

Veteran workers at the plant make about $26 per hour, well above the median wage in Mississippi. Credit Bryan Schutmaat for The New York Times

The company said its communications with workers were an attempt to provide information and clear up misimpressions, and that dues were not a focal point.

A regional director of the National Labor Relations Board, prompted by a series of charges filed by the U.A.W., issued a complaint last week accusing Nissan of illegally threatening to close the plant if workers chose to unionize, and threatening to fire workers involved in the organizing effort.

But over all, the union was hobbled in its ability to push back against the company’s message to workers. Beyond the question of its contributions to local groups, which the union said were similar to contributions it has made to civil rights and religious groups for decades, anti-union workers dwelled on the indictment last week of a former Fiat Chrysler labor relations official accused of skimming millions of dollars from a training facility to benefit himself and a former U.A.W. counterpart.

“Before all this came out, I felt like the U.A.W. might come in, like it had momentum,” Mr. Cooke said.

The defeat raises further questions about organized labor’s potential for inroads in the sparsely unionized South, which many union leaders see as the key to improving wages and labor standards across the country.

This year, workers rejected a union by a nearly 3-to-1 margin at a Boeing plant in South Carolina after a long organizing effort by the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers.

In 2014, the U.A.W. narrowly lost a hotly contested organizing campaign at a Volkswagen facility in Tennessee, although a small group of the plant’s skilled-trades workers later voted to unionize, and the union has notched some victories at Southern auto parts-suppliers in recent years.

“If you’re in an area where there are unions, people have friends, neighbors and relatives that might be in a union, and it’s very clear that people in unions like them,” said Hoyt N. Wheeler, a retired business professor who taught labor relations at the University of South Carolina.

But in a region like the South, few workers can speak from personal experience on the union’s behalf when the company or local politicians attack. “It makes it tough; you don’t have contrary voices,” Mr. Wheeler said.

Whatever its advantages, Nissan took no chances, pressing its case through the final days. This week, it set up a huge tent outside the facility and invited every worker on each shift, even those ineligible to vote, for meetings in which senior plant officials made their closing pitch.

For Mr. Brown, the previously undecided worker, the meeting proved to be the final shove in the direction of the union.

“Management comes down talking about how good we’ve got it,” Mr. Brown said. “But we’re not going to answer any questions, any concerns you have.”

A Nissan spokeswoman, Parul Bajaj, said that “employees were reminded of the significance of the election and encouraged to exercise their right to vote,” and that human resources officials were available in the back of the room to take questions.

By contrast, Kinoy Brown, a 14-year veteran who works on engines, saw the meeting as an earnest attempt to unify the plant after a bruising campaign.

“This U.A.W. mess has divided the plant,” said Mr. Brown, who voted against the union. “A lot of speeches there were about unity, about remembering the goal.”

He added: “They were telling us: ‘Hey, let’s get this behind us. Let’s go build some cars and trucks. Let’s build people’s dreams.’”

In: nytimes

¿Pagas “Union Due” (Cuota Sindical)?: Leyes sobre Derecho al Trabajo (Right-to-Work) en Kentucky

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Desde los caballos y la energía, el carbón y los coches, el Estado del Bluegrass trabaja muy duro. Y en gran parte, los sindicatos han trabajado duro en nombre de los empleados para proteger sus intereses. Como la mayoría de los residentes de Kentucky saben, la relación entre trabajo y  gestión a menudo puede ser motivo de controversia, por decirlo suavemente, y requiere la cooperación de todas las partes a mantener las relaciones cordiales. En los últimos años, muchos estados han aprobado leyes para alterar la forma en la que los empleados, los empleadores y los sindicatos trabajan en conjunto.

Esta es una introducción a lo que se conoce como la leyes de “Derecho al Trabajo” en Kentucky.

Leyes de Derecho al Trabajo (Right-to-Work laws)

En total, 24 estados de la unión tienen leyes de “derecho al trabajo”, ya sean reconocidas en la constitución del estado o en un estatuto legal, aprobadas en los últimos años. En general, estas leyes prohíben a los empleadores exigir la afiliación sindical, o el pago de la cuota sindical, como requisito previo a los empleados para conseguir y mantener un trabajo.

Regulación del Derecho al Trabajo (Right-to-Work laws) en Kentucky

La legislación de derecho al trabajo llegó a un comité de la cámara de representantes del Estado de Kentucky en el año 2014, pero quedó allí. Tanto los republicanos como los demócratas predijeron que la cuestión del Derecho al Trabajo jugaría un papel en futuras elecciones y otro proyecto de ley podría ser propuesto pronto, a finales de 2014 no hay ninguna ley referida al Derecho al Trabajo en los registros de Kentucky.

¿Qué hacen las leyes de Derecho al Trabajo?

Las leyes del Derecho al Trabajo rigen la relación entre los sindicatos, los empleados y los empleadores. Prohíben a los empleadores o sindicatos exigir a los empleados unirse a un sindicato o pagar cuotas sindicales. Asimismo, los empleadores no están autorizados a excluir a los trabajadores no sindicalizados del proceso de contratación. Muchos estados del sur han tenido durante mucho tiempo las leyes de Derecho al Trabajo, pero Kentucky se resiste al cambio al ser un Estado pro-sindicato.

Aunque muchos estados del Norte y del Medio Oeste han añadido sus propios estatutos sobre Derecho a Trabajo en los últimos años, el impacto global de las leyes sobre salarios, afiliación sindical, y convenios colectivos de trabajo aún no se ha determinado con precisión. Naturalmente, los sindicatos se han opuesto universalmente a las leyes de Derecho al Trabajo, mientras que la mayoría de empresas y cámaras de comercio han presionado fuertemente a su favor.

Leyes de Derecho al Trabajo en Kentucky: Recursos relacionados

Si bien actualmente no existen leyes de Derecho al Trabajo en vigor en Kentucky, esto siempre puede cambiar dependiendo de las elecciones y el apoyo de los votantes. Puede ponerse en contacto con un abogado laboral de Kentucky en su área si desea asesoría legal en relación con una cuestión sindical o laboral. También puede visitar Centro de Derechos del Trabajador de FindLaw para revisar artículos adicionales e información sobre este tema.

Estados con leyes de Derecho al Trabajo

Alabama | Arizona | Arkansas | Florida | Georgia | Guam | IdahoIndiana | Iowa | Kansas |Louisiana | Michigan (Private/Public) | Mississippi | Nebraska | Nevada | North Carolina | North Dakota | Oklahoma |South Carolina | South Dakota | Tennessee | Texas | Utah | Virginia | Wisconsin| Wyoming

Información traducida con fines educativos de: findlaw y The National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation

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Estados con Derecho al Trabajo Right-to-Work States 

Right-to-Work bill dies in Kentucky House committee

Cámara de Representantes del Estado de Kentucky

Study: Supreme Court ‘right to work’ ruling could drag down pay

New report finds link between ‘right-to-work’ rules and lower wages for public employees.


Image: commons wiki

The nine Supreme Court judges will soon hear arguments in Friedrichs v. California Teachers Association, and their ruling could transform all of the American public sector into a “right-to-work” zone. The result could be lower wages for public employees around the country, according to the author of a recent study from the pro-union Economic Policy Institute (EPI).

At issue is whether non-union public employees can be legally required to pay so-called “fair share fees” to the unions that bargain their contracts. Proponents of right-to-work laws, which ban unions from charging such fees, argue that unions are political institutions, and that mandatory union fees violate the free speech rights of those who object to paying them.

Studies of the nation’s right-to-work states show that such laws tend to lead to lower union membership rates, and to drive down wages among government employees.

Jeffrey Keefe, an EPI researcher and former professor of labor relations at Rutgers University, found that states that adopt public sector right-to-work rules — also known as “open shop” laws — see government worker pay fall by between 4.4 and 11.2 percent relative to non-right-to-work states.

Keefe said he attributed the wage decline to reduced bargaining ability on the part of unions, a result of non-members declining to pay them representation fees. He said a ruling against the California Teachers Association in the Friedrichs case would likely have a similar effect, but one that would likely be nationwide.

“The contagion from free-riding doesn’t work itself out overnight,” he said. “But it would work itself out over a five- to 10-year period. Over time these unions would have significantly lower revenue, which translates into lower capacity to represent union members.”

He suggested this could also affect contracts more widely, beyond the issue of wages. Negotiating the scope of health care and other benefits is a complex and resource-intensive process, he said. As members drop out of the union and non-members decline to pay representation fees, the funds needed to properly bargain for those benefits would decline, he added.

“A great deal of bargaining now is over health care, and it’s an incredibly complicated subject,” Keefe said. “The union really needs hired experts to come in and help.”