Women are at least as violent as men but the evidence is being dismissed or ignored
By Melanie Phillips
(Extracted from: "The Sex Change Society"- Feminised Britain and the Neutered Male)
http://www.fact. on.ca/news/ news9910. htm
"Mention feminism to most people and the reaction will probably be one of faintly amused indifference. Some men may be irritated by feminist rhetoric; some women might feel their agenda is a little extreme. But the extent to which feminism in its most extreme form has embedded itself within the institutions and thinking of Britain has simply not been grasped.
Feminism has become the unchallengeable orthodoxy in even the most apparently conservative institutions, and drives forward the whole programme of domestic social policy. Yet this orthodoxy is not based on concepts of fairness or justice or social solidarity. It is based on hostility towards men.
The idea that men oppress women, who therefore have every interest in avoiding the marriage trap and must achieve independence from men at all costs, may strike many as having little to do with everyday life. Yet it is now the galvanic principle behind social, economic and legal policy-making.
Buried within this doctrine, though, is an even deeper assumption. Male oppression of women is only made possible by the fact that men are intrinsically predatory and violent, threatening both women and children with rape or assault. Men are therefore the enemy - not just of women but of humanity, the proper objects of fear and scorn.
This assumption runs through feminist thinking as a given. "Most violence, most crime ... is not committed by human beings in general. It is committed by men," wrote Jill Tweedie.
According to Marilyn French, men used violence both to threaten and control, as well as actually harm: "As long as some men use physical force to subjugate females, all men need not. The knowledge that some men do suffices to threaten all women."
Moreover, it is marriage and family life that expose women most to male violence. According to Gloria Steinem, "patriarchy requires violence or the subliminal threat of violence in order to maintain itself... The most dangerous situation for a woman is not an unknown man in the street, or even the enemy in wartime, but a husband or lover in the isolation of their own home".
All this has been enough to turn the stomachs of some feminists, particularly those who love husbands or sons. Novelist Maggie Gee said she once thought the sex war was exciting, but had now concluded it went too far. "Women are giving up on their relationships too quickly. Living with a man I love very much, I keep thinking that all the generalisations about men just aren't true."
These generalisations, however, are now the stuff of public policy. Male violence against women, said the government in June 1999, was no longer going to be "swept under the carpet". Virtually nobody questioned the premise that men were invariably victimisers and women always their victims.
There is no doubt that some men are violent towards women; the evidence of women's injuries is real enough. However, this is one side of the story only. There is another side: the extent of women's violence against men and children. That, though, is a story that almost every official body in Britain and America has successfully suppressed.
There are now dozens of studies which show that women are as violent towards their partners, if not more so, than men. Unlike most feminist research, these studies ask men as well as women whether they have ever been on the receiving end of violence from their partners. They are therefore not only more balanced than studies which only ask about violence against women, but are more reliable indicators than official statistics which can be distorted by factors affecting the reporting rate - women using claims of violence as a weapon in custody cases, for example, or men who are too ashamed or embarrassed to reveal they have been abused.
Many people are likely to be astonished and sceptical about the conclusion drawn by these reports. The idea that women are as violent as men is counter-intuitive and simply disbelieved. So it is important to provide a flavour of the scope and significance of their findings.
A 1994 British study by Michelle Carrado and others, for example, interviewed 1,800 men and women with heterosexual partners. Some 11% of the men but only 5% of the women said their current partner had committed acts of violence towards them, ranging from pushing, through hitting, to stabbing. Five per cent of married or cohabiting men reported two or more acts of violence against them in a current relationship, compared with only
1% of women. A further 10% of men but 11% of women said they had committed one of these violent acts.
Study after study shows women are not merely violent in self-defence but strike the first blow in about half of all disputes. The American social scientists Murray Straus and Richard Gelles reported from two large national surveys that husbands and wives had assaulted each other at approximately equal rates, with women engaging in minor acts of violence more frequently. Elsewhere, they found more wives than husbands were severely violent towards their spouses.
Moreover, there is now considerable evidence that women initiate severe violence more frequently than men. A survey of 1,037 young adults born between 1972 and 1973 in Dunedin, New Zealand, found that 18.6% of young women said they had perpetrated severe physical violence against their partners, compared with 5.7% of young men. Three times more women than men said they had kicked or bitten their partners, or hit them with their fists or with an object.
In any event, the idea that women are never the instigators of violence is demolished by the evidence about lesbians.
According to Claire Renzetti, violence in lesbian relationships occurs with about the same frequency as in heterosexual relationships. Lesbian batterers "display a terrifying ingenuity in their selection of abusive tactics, frequently tailoring the abuse to the specific vulnerabilities of their partners". Such abuse can be extremely violent, with women bitten, kicked, punched, thrown down stairs, and assaulted with weapons including guns, knives, whips and broken bottles.
It is true that most women who are the victims of violence suffer domestic assaults. Yet the 1996 British Crime Survey reported that nearly one third of the victims of domestic violence were men, and that nearly half of these male victims were attacked by women. Moreover, if a woman starts a physical fight with a man, even a mild slap might provoke him into retaliating, with far worse consequences. Women who murder violent husbands may be treated leniently because they were provoked; yet men who are violent against women are never granted the same understanding. Provocation, it appears, is a feminist issue.
Moreover, given the greater strength of men, it is particularly noteworthy that so many women initiate violence against them. The fact is that men hold back. The psychologist John Archer has noted that, among female college students, 29% admitted initiating an assault on a male partner. Of those women, half said they had no fear of retaliation or, since men could easily defend themselves, they did not see their own physical aggression as a problem. In other words, far from assuming that men are violent, women take men's non-aggression for granted.
Archer went on to remark on the apparent restraint shown by many men in western cultures. "We might speculate that to some extent a strong norm of men not hitting women enables women to engage in physical aggression which might otherwise not have occurred," he wrote. Male aggression, he suggested, was a kind of default value associated with patriarchal structures.
When these are overridden, as they have been by modern secular liberal values and by the emancipation of women, female aggression increases. "These values will have greatest impact in a relationship that can be ended by the woman at little cost, and where the rate of male aggression is low. "We can speculate that these represent specific instances of a more general set of circumstances entailing a relative change in the balance of power between men and women."
In other words, as women have become independent of men, they have also become more violent towards them - because men have become dispensable. This unpalatable conclusion, however, has been completely overlooked in a culture that believes infamy is the prerogative of the male.
Much to everyone's astonishment, the Home Office recently produced its own evidence that domestic violence was not a male disease. In January 1999, it reported that 4.2% of women and 4.2% of men aged 16 to 59 said they had been physically assaulted by a current or former partner in the past year. Women separated from their partners were most likely to be victims, with
22% assaulted at least once in 1995.
The public reaction to the Home Office research was almost complete silence. The government, too, appeared impervious to its implications. Shortly after it was published, the Home Secretary opened a domestic violence court in Leeds that was founded on the explicit assumption that only men were violent.
In June this year, the Cabinet Office women's unit launched a campaign to "change the culture" that presented domestic violence as almost exclusively a problem of male crime. It managed to omit another under-reported fact: that most violence against children is committed by their mothers, not their fathers. A study by the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children revealed a few years ago that natural mothers, not fathers, are most frequently the perpetrators of physical injury, emotional abuse and neglect. This is not particularly surprising, since mothers generally have much more daily contact than fathers with their children. There was yet another notable omission: the women's unit material did not differentiate between couples who were married and people who were living together or had irregular lovers.
It therefore omitted a key fact: that the risk of violence increases significantly for unmarried couples. The Home Office study itself observed that marital separation was a "key risk factor". Only 12.6 in every 1,000 married women are victims of violence, compared with 43.9 in every 1,000 never-married women and 66.5 in every 1,000 divorced or separated women. As husbands are replaced by partners and lovers, therefore, violence against women increases. Marriage is a strong safety factor for women.
Yet this is not said. Instead, the opposite idea is fostered, that violence against women typically takes place within marriage. In November 1998, the women's unit announced a new initiative. Children were urged to report violence against mothers and sisters. There was no mention of abuse against fathers. Instead, a television advertisement showed a husband berating his wife when she told him dinner would be late. That was the violence. It was followed by a helpline number for children to call if a woman in their house had been abused.
This fictional scenario illuminated some remarkable thinking by civil servants and ministers. It had become acceptable, it thus appeared, for children to inform on their fathers to teachers or "helplines" simply for shouting at their mothers. Shouting was now to be classified as domestic violence. If that is the case, then violence happens with enormous frequency in families. Don't women sometimes shout at men?
There was another telling aspect of this advertisement. It featured an "Oxo" middle-class nuclear family. The thinking behind this, according to the then Scottish Office minister Helen Liddell, was that "domestic abuse knows no boundaries of social class or social group". However, not only was this scenario not violence, but the nuclear family is the least likely setting for abuse of women or children. It was no accident, however, that it was chosen. The married nuclear family has to be demonised because it is said to be the vehicle for the oppression of women.
The outcome of all this is that it is now generally accepted that violence is intrinsically male. This is a gravely distorted picture. It is true that most recorded crime is committed by men. It does not follow, however, that most men commit crime. Yet this is the false conclusion that has been drawn, as the result of the suppression or distortion of the facts about violence as well as the message that is constantly promulgated that violence is a problem of masculinity. The evidence suggests that a quite different conclusion should be drawn. This is surely that both women and men are capable of aggression and violence, but that violent men, like violent women, are not typical of their sex".
Extracted from The Sex Change Society: Feminised Britain and the Neutered Male, by Melanie Phillips.
By Melanie Phillips
(Extracted from: "The Sex Change Society"- Feminised Britain and the Neutered Male)
http://www.fact. on.ca/news/ news9910. htm
"Mention feminism to most people and the reaction will probably be one of faintly amused indifference. Some men may be irritated by feminist rhetoric; some women might feel their agenda is a little extreme. But the extent to which feminism in its most extreme form has embedded itself within the institutions and thinking of Britain has simply not been grasped.
Feminism has become the unchallengeable orthodoxy in even the most apparently conservative institutions, and drives forward the whole programme of domestic social policy. Yet this orthodoxy is not based on concepts of fairness or justice or social solidarity. It is based on hostility towards men.
The idea that men oppress women, who therefore have every interest in avoiding the marriage trap and must achieve independence from men at all costs, may strike many as having little to do with everyday life. Yet it is now the galvanic principle behind social, economic and legal policy-making.
Buried within this doctrine, though, is an even deeper assumption. Male oppression of women is only made possible by the fact that men are intrinsically predatory and violent, threatening both women and children with rape or assault. Men are therefore the enemy - not just of women but of humanity, the proper objects of fear and scorn.
This assumption runs through feminist thinking as a given. "Most violence, most crime ... is not committed by human beings in general. It is committed by men," wrote Jill Tweedie.
According to Marilyn French, men used violence both to threaten and control, as well as actually harm: "As long as some men use physical force to subjugate females, all men need not. The knowledge that some men do suffices to threaten all women."
Moreover, it is marriage and family life that expose women most to male violence. According to Gloria Steinem, "patriarchy requires violence or the subliminal threat of violence in order to maintain itself... The most dangerous situation for a woman is not an unknown man in the street, or even the enemy in wartime, but a husband or lover in the isolation of their own home".
All this has been enough to turn the stomachs of some feminists, particularly those who love husbands or sons. Novelist Maggie Gee said she once thought the sex war was exciting, but had now concluded it went too far. "Women are giving up on their relationships too quickly. Living with a man I love very much, I keep thinking that all the generalisations about men just aren't true."
These generalisations, however, are now the stuff of public policy. Male violence against women, said the government in June 1999, was no longer going to be "swept under the carpet". Virtually nobody questioned the premise that men were invariably victimisers and women always their victims.
There is no doubt that some men are violent towards women; the evidence of women's injuries is real enough. However, this is one side of the story only. There is another side: the extent of women's violence against men and children. That, though, is a story that almost every official body in Britain and America has successfully suppressed.
There are now dozens of studies which show that women are as violent towards their partners, if not more so, than men. Unlike most feminist research, these studies ask men as well as women whether they have ever been on the receiving end of violence from their partners. They are therefore not only more balanced than studies which only ask about violence against women, but are more reliable indicators than official statistics which can be distorted by factors affecting the reporting rate - women using claims of violence as a weapon in custody cases, for example, or men who are too ashamed or embarrassed to reveal they have been abused.
Many people are likely to be astonished and sceptical about the conclusion drawn by these reports. The idea that women are as violent as men is counter-intuitive and simply disbelieved. So it is important to provide a flavour of the scope and significance of their findings.
A 1994 British study by Michelle Carrado and others, for example, interviewed 1,800 men and women with heterosexual partners. Some 11% of the men but only 5% of the women said their current partner had committed acts of violence towards them, ranging from pushing, through hitting, to stabbing. Five per cent of married or cohabiting men reported two or more acts of violence against them in a current relationship, compared with only
1% of women. A further 10% of men but 11% of women said they had committed one of these violent acts.
Study after study shows women are not merely violent in self-defence but strike the first blow in about half of all disputes. The American social scientists Murray Straus and Richard Gelles reported from two large national surveys that husbands and wives had assaulted each other at approximately equal rates, with women engaging in minor acts of violence more frequently. Elsewhere, they found more wives than husbands were severely violent towards their spouses.
Moreover, there is now considerable evidence that women initiate severe violence more frequently than men. A survey of 1,037 young adults born between 1972 and 1973 in Dunedin, New Zealand, found that 18.6% of young women said they had perpetrated severe physical violence against their partners, compared with 5.7% of young men. Three times more women than men said they had kicked or bitten their partners, or hit them with their fists or with an object.
In any event, the idea that women are never the instigators of violence is demolished by the evidence about lesbians.
According to Claire Renzetti, violence in lesbian relationships occurs with about the same frequency as in heterosexual relationships. Lesbian batterers "display a terrifying ingenuity in their selection of abusive tactics, frequently tailoring the abuse to the specific vulnerabilities of their partners". Such abuse can be extremely violent, with women bitten, kicked, punched, thrown down stairs, and assaulted with weapons including guns, knives, whips and broken bottles.
It is true that most women who are the victims of violence suffer domestic assaults. Yet the 1996 British Crime Survey reported that nearly one third of the victims of domestic violence were men, and that nearly half of these male victims were attacked by women. Moreover, if a woman starts a physical fight with a man, even a mild slap might provoke him into retaliating, with far worse consequences. Women who murder violent husbands may be treated leniently because they were provoked; yet men who are violent against women are never granted the same understanding. Provocation, it appears, is a feminist issue.
Moreover, given the greater strength of men, it is particularly noteworthy that so many women initiate violence against them. The fact is that men hold back. The psychologist John Archer has noted that, among female college students, 29% admitted initiating an assault on a male partner. Of those women, half said they had no fear of retaliation or, since men could easily defend themselves, they did not see their own physical aggression as a problem. In other words, far from assuming that men are violent, women take men's non-aggression for granted.
Archer went on to remark on the apparent restraint shown by many men in western cultures. "We might speculate that to some extent a strong norm of men not hitting women enables women to engage in physical aggression which might otherwise not have occurred," he wrote. Male aggression, he suggested, was a kind of default value associated with patriarchal structures.
When these are overridden, as they have been by modern secular liberal values and by the emancipation of women, female aggression increases. "These values will have greatest impact in a relationship that can be ended by the woman at little cost, and where the rate of male aggression is low. "We can speculate that these represent specific instances of a more general set of circumstances entailing a relative change in the balance of power between men and women."
In other words, as women have become independent of men, they have also become more violent towards them - because men have become dispensable. This unpalatable conclusion, however, has been completely overlooked in a culture that believes infamy is the prerogative of the male.
Much to everyone's astonishment, the Home Office recently produced its own evidence that domestic violence was not a male disease. In January 1999, it reported that 4.2% of women and 4.2% of men aged 16 to 59 said they had been physically assaulted by a current or former partner in the past year. Women separated from their partners were most likely to be victims, with
22% assaulted at least once in 1995.
The public reaction to the Home Office research was almost complete silence. The government, too, appeared impervious to its implications. Shortly after it was published, the Home Secretary opened a domestic violence court in Leeds that was founded on the explicit assumption that only men were violent.
In June this year, the Cabinet Office women's unit launched a campaign to "change the culture" that presented domestic violence as almost exclusively a problem of male crime. It managed to omit another under-reported fact: that most violence against children is committed by their mothers, not their fathers. A study by the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children revealed a few years ago that natural mothers, not fathers, are most frequently the perpetrators of physical injury, emotional abuse and neglect. This is not particularly surprising, since mothers generally have much more daily contact than fathers with their children. There was yet another notable omission: the women's unit material did not differentiate between couples who were married and people who were living together or had irregular lovers.
It therefore omitted a key fact: that the risk of violence increases significantly for unmarried couples. The Home Office study itself observed that marital separation was a "key risk factor". Only 12.6 in every 1,000 married women are victims of violence, compared with 43.9 in every 1,000 never-married women and 66.5 in every 1,000 divorced or separated women. As husbands are replaced by partners and lovers, therefore, violence against women increases. Marriage is a strong safety factor for women.
Yet this is not said. Instead, the opposite idea is fostered, that violence against women typically takes place within marriage. In November 1998, the women's unit announced a new initiative. Children were urged to report violence against mothers and sisters. There was no mention of abuse against fathers. Instead, a television advertisement showed a husband berating his wife when she told him dinner would be late. That was the violence. It was followed by a helpline number for children to call if a woman in their house had been abused.
This fictional scenario illuminated some remarkable thinking by civil servants and ministers. It had become acceptable, it thus appeared, for children to inform on their fathers to teachers or "helplines" simply for shouting at their mothers. Shouting was now to be classified as domestic violence. If that is the case, then violence happens with enormous frequency in families. Don't women sometimes shout at men?
There was another telling aspect of this advertisement. It featured an "Oxo" middle-class nuclear family. The thinking behind this, according to the then Scottish Office minister Helen Liddell, was that "domestic abuse knows no boundaries of social class or social group". However, not only was this scenario not violence, but the nuclear family is the least likely setting for abuse of women or children. It was no accident, however, that it was chosen. The married nuclear family has to be demonised because it is said to be the vehicle for the oppression of women.
The outcome of all this is that it is now generally accepted that violence is intrinsically male. This is a gravely distorted picture. It is true that most recorded crime is committed by men. It does not follow, however, that most men commit crime. Yet this is the false conclusion that has been drawn, as the result of the suppression or distortion of the facts about violence as well as the message that is constantly promulgated that violence is a problem of masculinity. The evidence suggests that a quite different conclusion should be drawn. This is surely that both women and men are capable of aggression and violence, but that violent men, like violent women, are not typical of their sex".
Extracted from The Sex Change Society: Feminised Britain and the Neutered Male, by Melanie Phillips.
Hasta 15 años de cárcel pueden recibir quienes lucren con menores mendigos
Este viernes se lanza campaña de sensibilización sobre el tema
Lima, feb. 13 (ANDINA).- Las personas que obliguen a mendigar a niños y adolescentes para obtener un beneficio económico pueden ser sancionadas con penas de hasta 15 años de cárcel, dado que configura el delito de trata de personas, sostuvo hoy la ONG Acción por los Niños, que lamentó que hasta el momento no exista ningún caso de este tipo procesado en el Poder Judicial.
María Pía Hermoza, coordinadora de proyectos de Acción por los Niños, recordó que la Ley 28950, vigente desde inicios del año pasado, sanciona con penas que van de ocho a quince años a quienes utilicen a niños para ganar dinero u otro beneficio económico.
Señaló que, de acuerdo a información proporcionada por el Sistema de Registro y Estadística del delito de Trata de Personas y Afines (RETA), en el 2007 se registraron 26 casos de trata, de los cuales 12 fueron reportados en Lima.
Explicó que la mendicidad, es una de las modalidades de la trata de personas que se viene extendiendo principalmente por los efectos de la pobreza y se ha vuelto común ver a menores de edad, muchas de las cuales son traídas de zonas rurales, que son explotadas por terceras personas bajo la figura de la mendicidad.
“En el Perú, la mendicidad ha sido definida como una práctica permanente o eventual que consiste en solicitar de alguien, con persistencia y humillación, una dádiva o limosna. Detrás de muchos casos de mendicidad hay redes de tratantes de personas que lucran con estos niños”, expresó.
Hermoza agregó que la Ley 28190 de Protección del Menor de la Mendicidad también sanciona a las personas que expongan a menores al peligro, como es el caso de los niños que realizan malabares en la calzada y corren el riesgo de ser atropellados.
Además, los menores mendigos dejan de estudiar, son inducidos al uso de drogas o sustancias tóxicas, sufren abusos sexuales y pierden contacto con sus padres.
Tras afirmar que la trata de personas es el tercer delito más grande después del tráfico de drogas y de armas, la especialista indicó que el Perú está haciendo esfuerzos para combatir este delito, para lo cual creó en el 2004 el Grupo de Trabajo Multisectorial Permanente contra la Trata de Personas.
Refirió que uno de los logros más importantes de esta instancia –que reúne a las autoridades del Estado competentes y a representantes de la sociedad civil – es precisamente la Ley 28950, que sanciona a los que cometen este delito.
En otro momento, la especialista subrayó que si bien podría confundirse mendicidad infantil con trabajo infantil, hay que tener en cuenta que la mendicidad no genera transacción económica, prestación de servicios ni relación laboral alguna, pues quien brinda la limosna la otorga en donación a favor de quien la solicita.
Manifestó que un estudio de Acción por Niños identificó dos tipos de mendicidad: la callejera (en sus formas ambulatoria o estacionaria), como los menores que practican malabarismo o acrobacia, limpian la luna del auto, piden comida o dinero en locales o centros comerciales. El otro tipo de mendicidad se da en los medios de transporte, en donde los menores solicitan dinero o comida.
El trabajo infantil, por su parte, sí implica un intercambio cuando, por ejemplo, un menor vende golosinas u otro artículo a cambio de una suma de dinero.
En cuanto a los lugares de procedencia de los menores mendigos, el estudio identificó a Carabayllo, Callao (Pachacútec), Comas, El Agustino (Cerro San Cosme, Manzanilla), Puente Piedra, San Juan de Miraflores (Pamplona), Ventanilla, Villa El Salvador y Villa Maria del Triunfo.
La representante de Acción por los Niños consideró que para cosechar más resultados en el combate a esta actividad criminal se requiere que no sólo el Gobierno nacional, sino también las autoridades regionales y locales participen y se comprometan más con la protección de la niñez y la adolescencia.
Hermoza señaló que con ese objetivo, este viernes 15 Acción por los Niños lanzará una campaña de sensibilización para que las autoridades locales se involucren más en la defensa de los derechos del menor y en su protección, mediante acciones que contribuyan a enfrentar el problema de la mendicidad y la explotación de niños y adolescentes.
Entre estas acciones se propone la identificación de focos de mendicidad infantil, el registro de niños en esta situación y de los tratantes o explotadores. Asimismo, acciones de movilización y sensibilización de la ciudadanía sobre la importancia de denunciar y sancionar a los responsables y proteger a los niños, niñas y adolescentes
Refirió que esta campaña –en la que se coordinará con las Defensorías Municipales del Niño y el Adolescente (Demuna), y los Comités Municipales por los Derechos del Niño - se iniciará en Lima Metropolitana y el Callao, pero se extenderá progresivamente a nivel nacional.
En ese sentido, dijo que Acción por los Niños formuló un llamado a los gobiernos locales para que destinen recursos humanos y materiales para fortalecer la participación de las Demunas y los comités, en tanto que los burgomaestres lideren cruzadas de lucha contra la trata de personas.
Este viernes se lanza campaña de sensibilización sobre el tema
Lima, feb. 13 (ANDINA).- Las personas que obliguen a mendigar a niños y adolescentes para obtener un beneficio económico pueden ser sancionadas con penas de hasta 15 años de cárcel, dado que configura el delito de trata de personas, sostuvo hoy la ONG Acción por los Niños, que lamentó que hasta el momento no exista ningún caso de este tipo procesado en el Poder Judicial.
María Pía Hermoza, coordinadora de proyectos de Acción por los Niños, recordó que la Ley 28950, vigente desde inicios del año pasado, sanciona con penas que van de ocho a quince años a quienes utilicen a niños para ganar dinero u otro beneficio económico.
Señaló que, de acuerdo a información proporcionada por el Sistema de Registro y Estadística del delito de Trata de Personas y Afines (RETA), en el 2007 se registraron 26 casos de trata, de los cuales 12 fueron reportados en Lima.
Explicó que la mendicidad, es una de las modalidades de la trata de personas que se viene extendiendo principalmente por los efectos de la pobreza y se ha vuelto común ver a menores de edad, muchas de las cuales son traídas de zonas rurales, que son explotadas por terceras personas bajo la figura de la mendicidad.
“En el Perú, la mendicidad ha sido definida como una práctica permanente o eventual que consiste en solicitar de alguien, con persistencia y humillación, una dádiva o limosna. Detrás de muchos casos de mendicidad hay redes de tratantes de personas que lucran con estos niños”, expresó.
Hermoza agregó que la Ley 28190 de Protección del Menor de la Mendicidad también sanciona a las personas que expongan a menores al peligro, como es el caso de los niños que realizan malabares en la calzada y corren el riesgo de ser atropellados.
Además, los menores mendigos dejan de estudiar, son inducidos al uso de drogas o sustancias tóxicas, sufren abusos sexuales y pierden contacto con sus padres.
Tras afirmar que la trata de personas es el tercer delito más grande después del tráfico de drogas y de armas, la especialista indicó que el Perú está haciendo esfuerzos para combatir este delito, para lo cual creó en el 2004 el Grupo de Trabajo Multisectorial Permanente contra la Trata de Personas.
Refirió que uno de los logros más importantes de esta instancia –que reúne a las autoridades del Estado competentes y a representantes de la sociedad civil – es precisamente la Ley 28950, que sanciona a los que cometen este delito.
En otro momento, la especialista subrayó que si bien podría confundirse mendicidad infantil con trabajo infantil, hay que tener en cuenta que la mendicidad no genera transacción económica, prestación de servicios ni relación laboral alguna, pues quien brinda la limosna la otorga en donación a favor de quien la solicita.
Manifestó que un estudio de Acción por Niños identificó dos tipos de mendicidad: la callejera (en sus formas ambulatoria o estacionaria), como los menores que practican malabarismo o acrobacia, limpian la luna del auto, piden comida o dinero en locales o centros comerciales. El otro tipo de mendicidad se da en los medios de transporte, en donde los menores solicitan dinero o comida.
El trabajo infantil, por su parte, sí implica un intercambio cuando, por ejemplo, un menor vende golosinas u otro artículo a cambio de una suma de dinero.
En cuanto a los lugares de procedencia de los menores mendigos, el estudio identificó a Carabayllo, Callao (Pachacútec), Comas, El Agustino (Cerro San Cosme, Manzanilla), Puente Piedra, San Juan de Miraflores (Pamplona), Ventanilla, Villa El Salvador y Villa Maria del Triunfo.
La representante de Acción por los Niños consideró que para cosechar más resultados en el combate a esta actividad criminal se requiere que no sólo el Gobierno nacional, sino también las autoridades regionales y locales participen y se comprometan más con la protección de la niñez y la adolescencia.
Hermoza señaló que con ese objetivo, este viernes 15 Acción por los Niños lanzará una campaña de sensibilización para que las autoridades locales se involucren más en la defensa de los derechos del menor y en su protección, mediante acciones que contribuyan a enfrentar el problema de la mendicidad y la explotación de niños y adolescentes.
Entre estas acciones se propone la identificación de focos de mendicidad infantil, el registro de niños en esta situación y de los tratantes o explotadores. Asimismo, acciones de movilización y sensibilización de la ciudadanía sobre la importancia de denunciar y sancionar a los responsables y proteger a los niños, niñas y adolescentes
Refirió que esta campaña –en la que se coordinará con las Defensorías Municipales del Niño y el Adolescente (Demuna), y los Comités Municipales por los Derechos del Niño - se iniciará en Lima Metropolitana y el Callao, pero se extenderá progresivamente a nivel nacional.
En ese sentido, dijo que Acción por los Niños formuló un llamado a los gobiernos locales para que destinen recursos humanos y materiales para fortalecer la participación de las Demunas y los comités, en tanto que los burgomaestres lideren cruzadas de lucha contra la trata de personas.
Consejo Danes de la Papa entregó Diploma de Agradecimiento a presidente de la República, Alan García.
Lima, feb. 13 (ANDINA).- El Consejo Danés de la Papa entregó hoy al Presidente de la República, Alan García Pérez, un diploma de agradecimiento al Perú por su contribución con su tubérculo autóctono que salvó a Europa de una de las mayores hambrunas de su historia.
“500 años después de la llegada de la papa a Europa, el Consejo Danés de la Papa quiere con la presente agradecer a la República del Perú por esta contribución”, señala el documento.
El diploma es una de las mayores distinciones obtenidas por el Perú por ser el país de origen del referido tubérculo cultivado por los antiguos peruanos de los andes.
El pasado 10 de febrero en Dinamarca, en ceremonia presidida por su Alteza Real el Príncipe Joaquín de dicho país, agradeció al Perú por su invalorable contribución a la alimentación mundial y especialmente para Europa y Dinamarca.
En el evento se presentó una ópera titulada “El tubérculo dorado” y se entregaron diplomas de agradecimiento del Consejo Danés de la Papa.
Perú es el centro de origen de la papa, cuya antigüedad data de 7,000 años en la etapa de los primeros pobladores horticultores, que iniciaron la domesticación del tubérculo.
Además es el centro de mayor biodiversidad, con 91 especies y 2,800 variedades de las 3,900 que existen en el mundo.
TC piensa que arbitraje no debe ser obligatorio
El vicepresidente del Tribunal Constitucional (TC), Carlos Mesia, dijo que la institución que él integra no está desconociendo de ninguna manera el arbitraje, pero sí cree que esta modalidad no puede ser obligatoria sino voluntaria y que la Superintendencia de Banca y Arbitraje debe señalarle al demandante que puede recurrir al Poder Judicial para hacer valer sus derechos si así lo desea.
De esta manera contestó la denuncia que hiciera días antes Milagros Maraví, árbitro de la Superintendencia de Entidades Prestadoras de Salud (SEPS), quien dijo que el TC pone en peligro la existencia del arbitraje que realiza la SEPS al haber determinado que este sistema es costoso y no es obligatorio a pesar de haber sido creado por la ley de modernización de la seguridad social en el Perú.
“El TC no está desconociendo el arbitraje, lo que el tribunal cree es que el arbitraje no puede ser obligatorio sino voluntario y que lo que tiene que hacer la Superintendencia de Banca y Arbitraje es señalarle primero al demandado que él puede ir al Poder Judicial, porque el arbitraje es voluntario, no puede ser obligatorio, menos cuando se trata de un derecho a la salud”, indicó el magistrado.
Además dijo que el denunciante debe tener el derecho de escoger el árbitro para tener mayores ventajas.
También indicó que a pesar de que un arbitraje cuesta aproximadamente 200 soles, muchos de los demandantes, que son en su mayoría mineros, no tienen esa cantidad y tendrían que dejar de comer para poder financiar el proceso.
“El TC no pone en peligro la institución del arbitraje sino que lo refuerza porque le está diciendo a ese minero –que muchas veces es analfabeto y que se tiene que enfrentar a compañías como Rímac, Pacífico–: si tú quieres puedes ir al arbitraje sino puedes ir al Poder Judicial, pero él escoge; lo que está mal es que la ley lo obligue a él a ir a un arbitraje”, indicó.
El vicepresidente del Tribunal Constitucional (TC), Carlos Mesia, dijo que la institución que él integra no está desconociendo de ninguna manera el arbitraje, pero sí cree que esta modalidad no puede ser obligatoria sino voluntaria y que la Superintendencia de Banca y Arbitraje debe señalarle al demandante que puede recurrir al Poder Judicial para hacer valer sus derechos si así lo desea.
De esta manera contestó la denuncia que hiciera días antes Milagros Maraví, árbitro de la Superintendencia de Entidades Prestadoras de Salud (SEPS), quien dijo que el TC pone en peligro la existencia del arbitraje que realiza la SEPS al haber determinado que este sistema es costoso y no es obligatorio a pesar de haber sido creado por la ley de modernización de la seguridad social en el Perú.
“El TC no está desconociendo el arbitraje, lo que el tribunal cree es que el arbitraje no puede ser obligatorio sino voluntario y que lo que tiene que hacer la Superintendencia de Banca y Arbitraje es señalarle primero al demandado que él puede ir al Poder Judicial, porque el arbitraje es voluntario, no puede ser obligatorio, menos cuando se trata de un derecho a la salud”, indicó el magistrado.
Además dijo que el denunciante debe tener el derecho de escoger el árbitro para tener mayores ventajas.
También indicó que a pesar de que un arbitraje cuesta aproximadamente 200 soles, muchos de los demandantes, que son en su mayoría mineros, no tienen esa cantidad y tendrían que dejar de comer para poder financiar el proceso.
“El TC no pone en peligro la institución del arbitraje sino que lo refuerza porque le está diciendo a ese minero –que muchas veces es analfabeto y que se tiene que enfrentar a compañías como Rímac, Pacífico–: si tú quieres puedes ir al arbitraje sino puedes ir al Poder Judicial, pero él escoge; lo que está mal es que la ley lo obligue a él a ir a un arbitraje”, indicó.
Regiones aprueban ordenanzas en rechazo a DS de tercio superior
Lambayeque, Arequipa y Puno concretan su oposición a ley del Ejecutivo. Aseguran que norma impulsada por el gobierno afecta a los profesores y viola la Constitución. Yehude Simon dice que no teme ir a la cárcel por ordenanza.
Milagros Salazar La República
DESAFÍO. Hernán Fuentes, de Puno; Juan Manuel Guillén, de Arequipa; y Hugo Ordóñez, de Tacna, rechazan con ordenanzas regionales Decreto Supremo-004.
La polémica pasó de las advertencias a los hechos. Los gobiernos regionales de Lambayeque, Arequipa y Puno finalmente aprobaron normas que rechazan la aplicación del Decreto Supremo 004 que exige que solo los profesores que figuren en el tercio superior de sus universidades o institutos podrán ser contratados.
En el caso de Lambayeque, con Yehude Simon a la cabeza, ayer se aprobó una ordenanza regional en la que se anulan los efectos del decreto del Ministerio de Educación y se dispone que todos los profesores sin excepción puedan postular para ocupar una plaza en el proceso de contratación de 2008.
Lo que sí se estableció es que los maestros que aparezcan en el tercio superior y tengan un mayor tiempo de servicio tendrán un puntaje adicional.
"Todos tienen derecho a participar. Con esto se soluciona el problema en Lambayeque", dijo a este diario Simon. ¿Así el Ministerio de Educación lo demande como ha anunciado?, preguntamos. " Bueno, pues, asumiré mi responsabilidad política", respondió.
"No temo ir nuevamente a la cárcel. Estoy curado del susto", agregó tras insistir en que el DS-004 viola la Constitución porque no respeta el principio de igualdad de las personas ante la ley y el derecho al trabajo.
Según Simon, con la lógica del sector Educación, los peruanos también tendrían que exigirles a los ministros y al presidente Alan García que aparezcan en el tercio superior para seguir en el cargo.
BLOQUE SUREÑO
En el sur, el lunes a la medianoche el consejo regional de Arequipa aprobó el reglamento de la ordenanza regional 034, la cual declara aplicable la Ley de Carrera Pública Magisterial (LCPM) para las plazas de docentes contratados, con lo cual se les exonera de que aparezcan en el tercio superior debido a que dicha norma no exige dicho requisito.
La LCPM rige para los maestros de planilla, a quienes no se les exige el tercio superior porque se les garantiza estabilidad de empleo, explicó el ministro de Educación, José Antonio Chang. El funcionario reiteró que el polémico DS solo se aplica para las nuevas contrataciones, no para los maestros nombrados.
Por ello, con esta ordenanza Arequipa "vulnera el principio de jerarquía de las normas", dijo.
En respuesta, el presidente regional de Arequipa, Juan Manuel Guillén, señaló: "Yo no tengo miedo de irme por la puerta grande si me denuncian y soy vacado".
En la sesión del lunes también se acordó censurar y rechazar al ministro Chang, mientras que el asesor legal del gobierno arequipeño, Walther Paz, informó que su institución presentará una demanda de acción popular ante el Poder Judicial contra el DS-044.
Puno también concretó su advertencia: ayer el Consejo Regional aprobó en una sesión extraordinaria una ordenanza en la que declara inaplicable el decreto. Moquegua intentó hacer lo propio, pero la iniciativa fue observada por la directora regional de Educación.
POLÉMICA EN OTROS FRENTES REGIONALES
1) Los presidentes regionales de San Martín, Ucayali, Loreto, Madre de Dios y Amazonas se mostraron a favor del diálogo con el Ejecutivo antes de emitir ordenanzas que declaren inaplicable el DS-004. El jefe de la región Ucayali, Jorge Velásquez, manifestó que los integrantes del Consejo Interregional Amazónico (CIAM) abogan por la modificación de la norma en lugar de la derogatoria o abolición.
2) En el norte, los presidentes regionales apristas de La Libertad y Piura, José Murgia y César Trelles, acatan la posición del gobierno al igual que el presidente regional del Callao, Alex Kouri. Sus opiniones contrastan abiertamente con la posición de 17 jefes regionales que hasta el momento rechazan el decreto supremo, tal como informó el coordinador de la Asamblea Nacional de Gobiernos Regionales (ANGR), Yehude Simon, quien también está a la cabeza de Lambayeque.
3) Simon informó que la ANGR ha solicitado dialogar al premier Jorge del Castillo y que el martes 19 las autoridades regionales se reunirán en Lima para redactar un documento con las observaciones al DS -044. También informó que en su región se han presentado 3 mil maestros para cubrir 179 plazas y que el examen será el 9 de marzo.
Lambayeque, Arequipa y Puno concretan su oposición a ley del Ejecutivo. Aseguran que norma impulsada por el gobierno afecta a los profesores y viola la Constitución. Yehude Simon dice que no teme ir a la cárcel por ordenanza.
Milagros Salazar La República
DESAFÍO. Hernán Fuentes, de Puno; Juan Manuel Guillén, de Arequipa; y Hugo Ordóñez, de Tacna, rechazan con ordenanzas regionales Decreto Supremo-004.
La polémica pasó de las advertencias a los hechos. Los gobiernos regionales de Lambayeque, Arequipa y Puno finalmente aprobaron normas que rechazan la aplicación del Decreto Supremo 004 que exige que solo los profesores que figuren en el tercio superior de sus universidades o institutos podrán ser contratados.
En el caso de Lambayeque, con Yehude Simon a la cabeza, ayer se aprobó una ordenanza regional en la que se anulan los efectos del decreto del Ministerio de Educación y se dispone que todos los profesores sin excepción puedan postular para ocupar una plaza en el proceso de contratación de 2008.
Lo que sí se estableció es que los maestros que aparezcan en el tercio superior y tengan un mayor tiempo de servicio tendrán un puntaje adicional.
"Todos tienen derecho a participar. Con esto se soluciona el problema en Lambayeque", dijo a este diario Simon. ¿Así el Ministerio de Educación lo demande como ha anunciado?, preguntamos. " Bueno, pues, asumiré mi responsabilidad política", respondió.
"No temo ir nuevamente a la cárcel. Estoy curado del susto", agregó tras insistir en que el DS-004 viola la Constitución porque no respeta el principio de igualdad de las personas ante la ley y el derecho al trabajo.
Según Simon, con la lógica del sector Educación, los peruanos también tendrían que exigirles a los ministros y al presidente Alan García que aparezcan en el tercio superior para seguir en el cargo.
BLOQUE SUREÑO
En el sur, el lunes a la medianoche el consejo regional de Arequipa aprobó el reglamento de la ordenanza regional 034, la cual declara aplicable la Ley de Carrera Pública Magisterial (LCPM) para las plazas de docentes contratados, con lo cual se les exonera de que aparezcan en el tercio superior debido a que dicha norma no exige dicho requisito.
La LCPM rige para los maestros de planilla, a quienes no se les exige el tercio superior porque se les garantiza estabilidad de empleo, explicó el ministro de Educación, José Antonio Chang. El funcionario reiteró que el polémico DS solo se aplica para las nuevas contrataciones, no para los maestros nombrados.
Por ello, con esta ordenanza Arequipa "vulnera el principio de jerarquía de las normas", dijo.
En respuesta, el presidente regional de Arequipa, Juan Manuel Guillén, señaló: "Yo no tengo miedo de irme por la puerta grande si me denuncian y soy vacado".
En la sesión del lunes también se acordó censurar y rechazar al ministro Chang, mientras que el asesor legal del gobierno arequipeño, Walther Paz, informó que su institución presentará una demanda de acción popular ante el Poder Judicial contra el DS-044.
Puno también concretó su advertencia: ayer el Consejo Regional aprobó en una sesión extraordinaria una ordenanza en la que declara inaplicable el decreto. Moquegua intentó hacer lo propio, pero la iniciativa fue observada por la directora regional de Educación.
POLÉMICA EN OTROS FRENTES REGIONALES
1) Los presidentes regionales de San Martín, Ucayali, Loreto, Madre de Dios y Amazonas se mostraron a favor del diálogo con el Ejecutivo antes de emitir ordenanzas que declaren inaplicable el DS-004. El jefe de la región Ucayali, Jorge Velásquez, manifestó que los integrantes del Consejo Interregional Amazónico (CIAM) abogan por la modificación de la norma en lugar de la derogatoria o abolición.
2) En el norte, los presidentes regionales apristas de La Libertad y Piura, José Murgia y César Trelles, acatan la posición del gobierno al igual que el presidente regional del Callao, Alex Kouri. Sus opiniones contrastan abiertamente con la posición de 17 jefes regionales que hasta el momento rechazan el decreto supremo, tal como informó el coordinador de la Asamblea Nacional de Gobiernos Regionales (ANGR), Yehude Simon, quien también está a la cabeza de Lambayeque.
3) Simon informó que la ANGR ha solicitado dialogar al premier Jorge del Castillo y que el martes 19 las autoridades regionales se reunirán en Lima para redactar un documento con las observaciones al DS -044. También informó que en su región se han presentado 3 mil maestros para cubrir 179 plazas y que el examen será el 9 de marzo.





